ENGLISH SPEECH ANGELINA JOLIE What We Stand For English Subtitles

We are here in memory of Sergio Vieira de
Mello and the 21 other men and women, most

of them UN workers, who died with him in the
bombing of the UN Headquarters in Baghdad

in August 2003.

We remember all those who died, to acknowledge
each valuable life cut short, and the families

who share, even today, in their sacrifice.

We also remember them for the power of the
example they set: brave individuals from 11

different countries, working to help Iraqi
people, at the direction of the United Nations

Security Council, and on behalf of us all.

This is sometimes forgotten: that in serving
under the UN flag they died in our names,

as our representatives.

At their head was Sergio Vieira de Mello,
a man of extraordinary grace and ability,

as so many who knew him testify.

A man who gave 30 years to the United Nations,
rising from a field officer to High Commissioner

for Human Rights and Special Representative
to Iraq.

From Bangladesh and Bosnia to South Sudan
to East Timor, he spent the majority of his

career in the field, working alongside people
forced from their homes by war, and assisting

them with his skill as a diplomat and negotiator.

Perhaps the greatest testament to his contribution,
is how much his advice would be valued today.

As the Syrian conflict enters its seventh
year, as we live through the gravest refugee

crisis since the founding of the United Nations,
as 20 million people are on the brink of death

from starvation in Yemen, Somalia, South Sudan
and northeast Nigeria, I cannot imagine that

there is anyone in the leadership of the United
Nations who would not welcome the opportunity

to consult Sergio, or send him into the field
once more.

He is truly missed, even today.

It is humbling for me to speak tonight in
the presence of members of Sergio’s family

and his former colleagues.

I never knew Sergio, but I have stood before
the plaque in the place where he died.

I felt profound sadness at the fact that the
conflict in Iraq – the source of so much

Iraqi suffering to this day - had claimed
the lives of men and women whose only intention

was to try and improve a desperate situation.

But I also saw clearly the value and nobility
of a life spent in service of others.

Sergio was a man who never turned down an
assignment, no matter how difficult and dangerous

  • or as others have put it, was “handed
    one impossible task after another”.

He was a man, to borrow the words of Thomas
Paine, whose country was the world, and whose

religion was to do good.

He will always remain a hero and inspiration
to all who follow in his footsteps.

The UN’s work did not end there, in the
rubble of the Canal Hotel, 14 years ago.

Hundreds of UN staff have served, and continue
to, serve in Iraq, as they do from Afghanistan

to Somalia, because the task of building peace
and security can never be abandoned, no matter

how bleak the situation.

My thoughts on Sergio’s life and legacy
derive from my 16 years with UNHCR, the Agency

he spent so much of his career serving and
representing.

But I also speak as a citizen of my country
– the United States.

I believe all of us who work with the UN preserve
this duality.

The United Nations is not a country, it is
a place where we come together as nations

and people to try to resolve our differences
and unite in common action.

As a citizen, I find myself looking out on
a global environment that seems more troubling

and uncertain than at any time in my lifetime.

I imagine many of you may feel the same.

We are grappling with a level of conflict
and insecurity that seems to exceed our will

and capabilities: with more refugees than
ever before, and new wars erupting on top

of existing conflicts, some already lasting
decades.

We see a rising tide of nationalism, masquerading
as patriotism, and the re-emergence of policies

encouraging fear and hatred of others.

We see some politicians elected partly on
the basis of dismissing international institutions

and agreements, as if our countries have not
benefited from cooperation, but actually been

harmed by it.

We hear some leaders talking as if some of
our proudest achievements are in fact our

biggest liabilities – whether it is the
tradition of successfully integrating refugees

into our societies, or the institutions and
treaties we have built rooted in laws and

human rights.

We see nations that played a proud role in
the founding of the International Criminal

Court withdrawing from it, on the one hand,
and on the other, we see arrest warrants for

alleged war crimes issued but not implemented,
and other crimes ignored altogether.

We see a country like South Sudan ushered
by the international community into independence,

then largely abandoned – not by the UN agencies
and NGOs – but effectively abandoned, without

the massive support they needed to make a
success of sovereignty.

And we see resolutions and laws on the protection
of civilians and the use of chemical weapons,

for instance, flouted repeatedly, in some
cases under the cover of Security Council

vetoes, as in Syria.

Many of these things are not new – but taken
together – and in the absence of strong

international leadership, they are deeply
worrying.

When we consider all this and more, as citizens,
what is our answer?

Do we, as some would encourage us to think,
turn our backs on the world, and hope we can

wait for storms to pass?

Or do we strengthen our commitment to diplomacy
and to the United Nations?

I strongly believe there is only one choice,
demanded by reason as well as by conscience,

which is the hard work of diplomacy and negotiation
and reform of the UN.

This is not to say that that is any way an
easy road.

And there are reasons people feel insecure
today.

The level of conflict and lack of solutions
combined with the fear of terrorism; the reality

that globalization has bought vast benefits
to some but worsened the lot of others; the

sense of a disconnect between citizens and
governments, or in some countries the lack

of governance; the overall feeling that for
all our gains in technology and connectedness,

we are less in control of forces shaping our
lives – all these factors and more have

contributed to a sense of a world out of balance,
and there are no easy answers.

And despite the millions of people who have
lifted themselves out of poverty in our lifetimes,

the difference between the lives of those
of us born in wealthy, democratic societies

and those born into the slums and refugee
camps of the world is a profound injustice.

We see it and we know it to be wrong, at a
simple human level.

That inequality is contributing to instability,
conflict and migration as well as to the sense

that the international system serves the few
at the expense of the many.

But again, what is our answer, as citizens?

Do we withdraw from the world where before
we felt a responsibility to be part of solutions?

I am a proud American and I am an internationalist.

I believe anyone committed to human rights
is an internationalist.

It means seeing the world with a sense of
fairness and humility, and recognizing our

own humanity in the struggles of others.

It stems from love of one’s country, but
not at the expense of others - from patriotism,

but not from narrow nationalism.

It includes the view that success isn’t
being better or greater than others, but finding

your place in a world where others succeed
too.

And that a strong nation, like a strong person,
helps others to rise up and be independent.

It is the spirit that made possible the creation
of the UN, out of the rubble and ruin and

60 million dead of World War Two; so that
even before the task of defeating Nazism was

complete, that generation of wartime leaders
was forging the United Nations.

If governments and leaders are not keeping
that flame of internationalism alive today,

then we as citizens must.

The challenge is how to restore that sense
of balance and hopefulness in our countries,

while not sacrificing all we have learnt about
the value and necessity of internationalism.

Because a world in which we turn our back
on our global responsibilities will be a world

that produces greater insecurity, violence
and danger for us and for our children.

This is not a clash between idealism and realism.

It is the recognition that there is no shortcut
to peace and security, and no substitute for

the long, painstaking effort to end conflicts,
expand human rights and strengthen the rule

of law.

We have to challenge the idea that the strongest
leaders are those most willing to dismiss

human rights on the grounds of national interest.

The strongest leaders are those who are capable
of pursuing both.

Having strong values and the will to act upon
them doesn’t weaken our borders or our militaries

– it is their essential foundation.

None of this is to say that the UN is perfect.

Of course, it is not.

I have never met a field officer who has not
railed against its shortcomings, as I imagine

Sergio did in his darkest moments.

He, like all of us, wanted a UN that was more
decisive, less bureaucratic, and that lived

up to its standards.

But he never said it was pointless.

He never threw in the towel.

The UN is an imperfect organization because
we are imperfect.

It is not separate from us.

Our decisions, particularly those made by
the Security Council, have played a part in

creating the landscape we are dealing with
today.

We should always remember why the UN was formed,
and what it is for, and take that responsibility

seriously.

We have to recognize the damage we do when
we undermine the UN or use it selectively

  • or not at all - or when we rely on aid to
    do the job of diplomacy, or give the UN impossible

tasks and then underfund it.

For example today, there is not a single humanitarian
appeal anywhere in the world that is funded

by even half of what is required.

In fact it is worse than that.

Appeals for countries on the brink of famine
today are 17%, 7%, and 5% funded, for example.

Of course, emergency aid is not the long-term
answer.

No one prefers that kind of aid.

Not citizens of donor countries.

Not governments.

Not refugees.

They do not want to be dependent.

It would be far better to be able to invest
all our funds in infrastructure and schools

and trade and enterprises.

But let’s be clear, emergency aid has to
continue because many states cannot or will

not protect the rights of citizens around
the world.

It is what we spend in countries where we
have no diplomacy or our diplomacy is not

working.

Until we do better at preventing and reducing
conflict, we are doomed to be in a cycle of

having to help feed or shelter people when
societies collapse.

As another legendary UN leader, who was also
killed in the line of duty, Dag Hammerskold,

said “Everything will be all right – you
know when?

When people, just people, stop thinking of
the United Nations as a weird Picasso abstraction

and see it as a drawing they made themselves”.

The UN can only change if governments change
their policies.

And if we as citizens ask our governments
to do that.

It is moving, if you think about it: We are
the future generations envisaged in the UN

Charter.

When our grandparents resolved to “spare
future generations the scourge of war”,

as written in the Charter, they were thinking
of us.

But as well as dreaming of our safety they
also left us a responsibility.

President Roosevelt, addressing the US Congress
in January 1945, six months before the end

of Second World War, said this:

“In the field of foreign policy, we propose
to stand together with the United Nations

not for the war alone but for the victory
for which the war is fought”.

He went on:

“The firm foundation can be built- and it
will be built.

But the continuance and assurance of a living
peace must, in the long run, be the work of

the people themselves.”

Today, we have to ask ourselves, are we living
up to that mission?

They gave us that start.

What have we done with it?

It is clear to me that we have made huge strides.

But our agreements and institutions are only
as strong as our will to uphold them today.

And if we do not, for whatever reason, we
bequeath a darker and more unstable world

to all those who come after us.

It is not for this that previous generations
shed blood and worked so hard on behalf of

all of us.

The memory of those who came before us holds
us true to our ideals.

Resting unchanging in time, they remind us
of who we are and what we stand for.

They give us hope to stay in the fight, as
Sergio did, until his last breath.

14 years since his death, there is a stronger
need than ever before for us to stay true

to the ideals and purposes of the United Nations.

That is what I hope his memory holds us to
today.

We can’t all be Sergios.

But I hope all of us can determine that we
shall be a generation that renews its commitment

to “unite our strength to maintain international
peace and security”, and “to promote social

progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom.”

But in the final analysis, even if we do not,
even if that level of vision eludes us and

we continue to simply manage rather than to
try to overcome our generation’s challenges,

we have to keep working determinedly and patiently.

And you can be certain, as you do, that you
follow the example of one of the UN’s finest

sons: and that to do even a little of his
good, to apply ourselves to the work he left

unfinished, in whatever way we can, is a worthy
task for any one of us.

Thank you

我们在这里纪念塞尔吉奥·维埃拉·
德梅洛和其他 21 名男女,其中大多数

是联合国工作人员,他们在 2003 年 8 月
巴格达联合国总部爆炸案中与他一起丧生

我们铭记所有遇难者,以致谢
每一个宝贵的生命都被打断了

,即使在今天,那些分享他们牺牲的家庭也是如此。

我们还记得他们树立榜样的力量
:来自 11 个

不同国家的勇敢的
人,在联合国安理会的指导

下,代表我们所有人努力帮助伊拉克人民。

有时会忘记这一点:
在联合国旗帜下服役时,他们以我们的名义牺牲,

作为我们的代表。

领导他们的是塞尔吉奥·维埃拉·德梅洛(Sergio Vieira de Mello)
,他有着非凡的优雅和能力

,许多认识他的人都证明了这一点。

一个为联合国贡献了 30 年的人,
从一名外勤官员晋升

为人权事务高级专员和
伊拉克特别代表。

从孟加拉国和波斯尼亚到南苏丹
再到东帝汶,他的大部分

职业生涯都在该领域度过,与
因战争而被迫离开家园的人们一起工作,并

以外交官和谈判代表的技能帮助他们。

也许对他的贡献最大的证明
就是他的建议在今天会受到多大的重视。

随着叙利亚冲突进入第七个
年头,我们正经历

联合国成立以来最严重的难民危机

,也门、索马里、南苏丹
和尼日利亚东北部有 2000 万人处于饥饿的边缘,我不能 想象一下,

联合国领导层中的任何
人都不欢迎有

机会咨询塞尔吉奥,或再次派他到实地去

他真的很想念,即使在今天。

今晚在塞尔吉奥的家人和他以前的同事面前发言,我感到很羞愧

我从来不认识塞尔吉奥,但我曾站在
他死去的地方的牌匾前。

我深感悲痛,因为
伊拉克冲突——

至今伊拉克遭受如此多苦难的根源——
夺走了人们的生命,他们的唯一目的

是试图改善这种绝望的局势。

但我也清楚地看到
了为他人服务的生命的价值和高尚。

塞尔吉奥是一个从不拒绝
任务的人,无论多么困难和危险

——或者正如其他人所说,“被
一项又一项不可能完成的任务交给了”。

他是一个男人,借用托马斯潘恩的话
,他的国家是世界,他的

宗教是行善。

他将永远是
所有追随他的人的英雄和灵感。

14 年前,在运河酒店的废墟中,联合国的工作并未就此结束

数百名联合国工作人员已经并将
继续在伊拉克服务,就像他们从阿富汗到索马里所做的那样

,因为无论局势多么惨淡,建设和平
与安全的任务都不能放弃

我对塞尔吉奥的生活和遗产的看法
源于我在联合国难民署工作的 16 年,

他在其职业生涯中的大部分时间都在服务和
代表该机构。

但我也以我的国家——美国公民的身份
发言。

我相信我们所有与联合国合作的人都保持着
这种二元性。

联合国不是一个国家,它是
我们作为国家

和人民聚集在一起努力解决我们之间的分歧
并团结一致采取共同行动的地方。

作为一名公民,我发现自己所关注
的全球环境似乎

比我一生中的任何时候都更加令人不安和不确定。

我想你们中的许多人可能会有同样的感觉。

我们正在努力
应对似乎超出我们意愿

和能力的冲突和不安全水平:难民比
以往任何时候都多,在现有冲突之上爆发新的战争

,其中一些已经持续了
数十年。

我们看到民族主义的兴起,伪装
成爱国主义,以及

鼓励恐惧和仇恨他人的政策重新出现。

We see some politicians elected partly on
the basis of dismissing international institutions

and agreements, as if our countries have not
benefited from cooperation, but actually been

harmed by it.

我们听到一些领导人的谈话,好像
我们最自豪的一些成就实际上是我们

最大的责任——无论
是成功地将难民

融入我们社会的传统,还是
我们建立在法律和人权基础上的制度和条约

。 一方面,

我们看到在国际刑事法院的建立中发挥了自豪作用的国家

退出了它
,另一方面,我们看到对

涉嫌战争罪的逮捕令已发出但未执行,
而其他罪行则完全被忽视。

我们看到像南苏丹这样的国家
被国际社会引入独立,

然后在很大程度上被遗弃——不是被联合国机构
和非政府组织——而是实际上被遗弃,没有

他们获得主权成功所需的大量支持

例如,我们看到关于
保护平民和使用化学武器的决议和法律

一再遭到蔑视,在某些情况下,在
安理会否决权的掩护下

,例如在叙利亚。

其中许多事情并不新鲜——而是综合
起来——在缺乏强有力的

国际领导力的情况下,它们令人深感
担忧。

当我们考虑所有这些以及更多时,作为公民,
我们的答案是什么?

我们是否会像某些人鼓励我们思考的那样,
背弃这个世界,希望我们可以

等待风暴过去?

或者我们是否加强了对外交
和联合国的承诺?

我坚信只有一个选择,既是
理性的要求,也是良心的要求,

那就是外交、谈判
和联合国改革的艰辛工作。

这并不是说那是一条
容易的道路。

今天人们感到不安全是有原因的

冲突程度和缺乏解决办法,
加上对恐怖主义的恐惧;

全球化
给一些人带来了巨大的利益,却让另一些人的处境变得更糟的现实;

公民与政府之间的脱节感
,或者在某些国家

缺乏治理; 总体感觉是,
尽管我们在技术和连通性方面取得了所有进步,

但我们对塑造我们生活的力量的控制力却越来越小
——所有这些因素以及更多因素都

导致了世界失衡感
,没有简单的答案。

尽管有数百万人
在我们的一生中摆脱了贫困,但我们

这些
出生在富裕、民主社会的人

与出生在世界贫民窟和
难民营的人的生活之间的差异是一种深刻的不公正。

在简单的人类层面上,我们看到它并且我们知道它是错误的

这种不平等助长了不稳定、
冲突和移民,也助长

了国际体系
以牺牲多数人为代价服务少数人的感觉。

但是,作为公民,我们的答案又是什么?

我们是否退出了
我们之前感到有责任成为解决方案一部分的世界?

我是一个自豪的美国人,我是一个国际主义者。

我相信任何致力于人权的人
都是国际主义者。

这意味着以
公平和谦逊的态度看待世界,并

在他人的斗争中认识到我们自己的人性。

它源于对自己国家的热爱,
而不是以牺牲他人为代价——源于爱国主义,

但不是源于狭隘的民族主义。

它包括这样一种观点,即成功不是
比别人更好或更大,而是

在别人也成功的世界中找到自己的位置

而一个强大的国家,就像一个强大的人,
帮助别人崛起和独立。

正是这种精神
使联合国得以从二战的废墟、废墟和

6000 万死难者中诞生; 因此,
甚至在击败纳粹主义的任务

完成之前,那一代战时领导人
就已经在打造联合国。

如果政府和领导人今天没有
保持国际主义的火焰,

那么作为公民的我们必须这样做。

挑战在于如何
在我们国家恢复这种平衡感和希望,

同时又不牺牲我们
对国际主义的价值和必要性的了解。

因为一个我们
背弃我们的全球责任的世界将是一个

给我们和我们的孩子带来更大不安全、暴力和危险的世界。

这不是理想主义和现实主义的冲突。

正是认识
到和平与安全没有捷径可走,也无法替代

结束冲突、
扩大人权和加强

法治的长期艰苦努力。

我们必须挑战这样一种观点,即最强大的
领导人是那些最愿意以

国家利益为由忽视人权的人。

最强大的领导者是那些
能够同时追求两者的人。

拥有强大的价值观和采取行动的意愿
不会削弱我们的边界或我们的军队

——这是他们的重要基础。

这并不是说联合国是完美的。

当然,事实并非如此。

我从来没有遇到过没有
像我想象

塞尔吉奥在他最黑暗的时刻那样抱怨自己的缺点的战地军官。

他和我们所有人一样,想要一个更
果断、更少官僚主义并且

符合其标准的联合国。

但他从未说过这毫无意义。

他从不认输。

联合国是一个不完美的组织,因为
我们不完美。

它与我们并不分离。

我们的决定,特别是安全理事会做出的决定
,在

创造我们今天所面对的局面方面发挥了作用

我们应该永远记住联合国为什么成立,
它的目的是什么,并认真承担这一责任

我们必须认识到,当
我们破坏联合国或有选择地使用它

——或者根本不使用它——或者当我们依靠援助来
完成外交工作,或者给联合国完成不可能的

任务然后给它的资金不足时,我们所造成的损害。

例如,今天,
世界上任何地方都没有一个人道主义呼吁的资金

来自所需资金的一半。

事实上,情况比这更糟。

例如,今天对处于饥荒边缘的国家的呼吁
分别获得了 17%、7% 和 5% 的资助。

当然,紧急援助并不是
长久之计。

没有人喜欢这种援助。

不是捐助国的公民。

不是政府。

不是难民。

他们不想依赖。

如果能够将
我们所有的资金投资于基础设施、学校

、贸易和企业,那就更好了。

但让我们明确一点,紧急援助必须
继续,因为许多国家不能或

不会保护世界各地公民的权利

这是我们
在没有外交或外交

不起作用的国家所花费的。

除非我们在预防和减少
冲突方面做得更好,否则我们注定要在社会崩溃

时不得不帮助养活或庇护人们的循环

正如另一位因公殉职的联合国传奇领导人
达格·哈默斯科尔德(Dag Hammerskold)

所说:“一切都会好起来的——你
知道什么时候吗?

当人们,只是人们,不再
将联合国视为一个奇怪的毕加索抽象概念

,而是将其视为他们自己制作的一幅画”。

只有政府改变政策,联合国才能改变

如果我们作为公民要求我们的政府
这样做。

如果你想一想,它是感人的:我们是《
联合国宪章》所设想的后代

当我们的祖父母决心按照《宪章》的规定“免
后世再遭战祸

”时,他们想到
了我们。

但除了梦想我们的安全之外,他们
也给我们留下了责任。

1945 年 1 月,也就是二战结束前六个月,罗斯福总统在美国国会发表讲话

时说:

“在外交政策领域,我们提议
与联合国站在一起,

不仅仅是为了战争,而是为了胜利。
为之而战”。

他接着说:

“可以建立坚实的基础——而且
它将被建立。

但从长远来看,生活和平的持续和保证
必须

是人民自己的工作。”

今天,我们必须扪心自问,我们
是否履行了这一使命?

他们给了我们这个开始。

我们用它做了什么?

我很清楚,我们已经取得了巨大的进步。

但是,我们的协议和机构只有
在我们今天维护它们的意愿时才会如此强大。

如果我们不这样做,无论出于何种原因,我们都会
将一个更黑暗、更不稳定的世界

留给所有追随我们的人。

前几代人为了我们大家流血、辛勤工作,也不是为了这个

那些在我们之前的人的记忆使
我们忠于我们的理想。

它们随着时间的推移保持不变,提醒我们
我们是谁以及我们代表什么。

他们给了我们希望,就像
塞尔吉奥一样,坚持到最后一口气。

在他去世 14 年后,
我们比以往任何时候都更需要

忠于联合国的理想和宗旨。

这就是我希望他的记忆能带给我们
今天的东西。

我们不可能都是塞尔吉奥斯。

但我希望我们所有人都能下定决心,我们
将成为重申

“团结一致维护国际
和平与安全”和“在大自由中促进社会

进步和提高生活水平”的承诺的一代人

但归根结底,即使我们不这样做,即使我们无法实现
那种水平的愿景,

我们继续简单地管理而不是
试图克服我们这一代人的挑战,

我们必须继续坚定而耐心地工作。

而且你可以肯定,正如你所做的那样,你
效仿了联合国最优秀的

儿子之一:为他做一点点
好事,尽

我们所能,以任何方式致力于他未完成的工作,
对我们任何人来说都是一项有价值的任务。

谢谢