The life legacy assassination of an African revolutionary Lisa Janae Bacon

In 1972, Thomas Sankara
was swept into a revolution

for a country not his own.

Hailing from the West African nation
of Burkina Faso—

then known as Upper Volta—

the 22-year-old soldier
had travelled to Madagascar

to study at their military academy.

But upon arriving,
he found a nation in conflict.

Local revolutionaries
sought to wrest control of Madagascar

from France’s lingering colonial rule.

These protestors
inspired Sankara

to read works by socialist leaders
like Karl Marx

and seek wisdom from military strategy.

When he returned to Upper Volta in 1973,

Sankara was determined to free
his country from its colonial legacy.

Born in 1949,

Sankara was raised
in a relatively privileged household

as the third of ten children.

His parents wanted him to be a priest,
but like many of his peers,

Sankara saw the military
as the perfect institution

to rid Upper Volta of corruption.

After returning from Madagascar,

he became famous for his charisma
and transparent oratorial style—

but he was less popular
with the reigning government.

Led by President Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo,

this administration came to power
in the 3rd consecutive coup d’état

in Upper Volta’s recent history.

The administration’s policies
were a far cry

from the sweeping changes
Sankara proposed,

but, by 1981,
Sankara’s popularity won out,

earning him a role
in Ouédraogo’s government.

Nicknamed “Africa’s Che Guevara,"
Sankara rapidly rose through the ranks,

and within two years,
he was appointed Prime Minister.

In his new role,
he delivered rallying speeches

to impoverished communities,
women, and young people.

He even tried to persuade
other governments to form alliances

based on their shared colonial legacy.

But Ouédraogo and his advisors
felt threatened by Sankara’s new position.

They thought his communist beliefs would
harm alliances with capitalist countries,

and just months
after becoming Prime Minister,

Ouédraogo’s administration
forced Sankara from the job

and placed him on house arrest.

Little did the President know

this act would fuel Upper Volta’s
4th coup d’état in 17 years.

Civilian protests
ensued around the capital,

and the government ground to a halt

while Sankara tried to negotiate
a peaceful transition.

During this time, Blaise Compaoré,

Sankara’s friend
and fellow former soldier,

foiled another coup that included
an attempt on Sankara’s life.

Eventually, Ouédraogo resigned
without further violence,

and on August 4, 1983, Thomas Sankara
became the new President of Upper Volta.

Finally in charge,
Sankara launched an ambitious program

for social and economic change.

As one of his first agenda items,
he renamed the country

from its French colonial title
“Upper Volta” to “Burkina Faso,”

which translates
to “Land of Upright Men."

Over the next four years he established
a nation-wide literacy campaign,

ordered the planting
of over 10 million trees,

and composed a new national anthem—

all while cutting down
inflated government employee salaries.

But perhaps the most unique element
of Sankara’s revolution

was his dedication to gender equality.

He cultivated a movement
for women’s liberation,

outlawing forced marriages,
polygamy and genital mutilation.

He was the first African leader to appoint
women to key political positions

and actively recruit them to the military.

However, Sankara’s socialist policies
were met with much resistance.

Many students and elites
believed his economic plans

would alienate Burkina Faso
from its capitalist peers.

His crackdown
on the misuse of public funds

turned government officials
against him as well.

After four years,
what began as an empowering revolution

had isolated many influential Burkinabes.

But Sankara was not ready
to yield his power.

He executed
increasingly authoritarian actions,

including banning trade unions
and the free press.

Eventually, his autocratic tendencies

turned even his closest friends
against him.

On October 15, 1987,

Sankara was conducting a meeting
when a group of assailants

swarmed his headquarters.

Sankara was assassinated in the attack,

and many believe the raid was ordered
by his friend Blaise Compaoré.

Though his legacy is complicated,

many of Sankara’s policies have proven
themselves to be ahead of their time.

In the past decade,

Burkinabe youth have celebrated
Sankara’s political philosophy,

and nearby countries like Ghana have even
adopted Sankara’s economic models.

On March 2, 2019 a statue of Sankara
was erected in Burkina Faso’s capital,

establishing his place
as an icon of revolution for his country

and throughout the world.

1972 年,托马斯·
桑卡拉卷入

了一场非他自己国家的革命。

这位 22 岁的士兵来自西非
国家布基纳法索(

当时称为上沃尔特)


曾前往马达加斯加

在他们的军事学院学习。

但抵达后,
他发现一个国家处于冲突之中。

当地革命者
试图

从法国挥之不去的殖民统治中夺取对马达加斯加的控制权。

这些抗议者
启发

桑卡拉阅读卡尔·马克思等社会主义领导人的著作,

并从军事战略中寻求智慧。

当他在 1973 年回到上沃尔特时,

桑卡拉决心将
他的国家从殖民遗产中解放出来。 桑卡拉

出生于 1949 年,

在一个相对优越的家庭中长大,

是十个孩子中的第三个。

他的父母希望他成为一名牧师,
但和他的许多同龄人一样,

桑卡拉认为军队

摆脱上沃尔特腐败的完美机构。

从马达加斯加回来后,

他以其魅力
和透明的演讲风格而闻名——

但他
在执政政府中不太受欢迎。

在总统让-巴蒂斯特·韦德拉奥戈(Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo)的领导下,

本届政府

在上沃尔特近期历史上连续第三次发动政变上台。

政府的政策

与桑卡拉提议的全面改革相去甚远

但到 1981 年,
桑卡拉的声望胜出,使


在韦德拉奥戈政府中获得了一个角色。

绰号“非洲的切格瓦拉”的
桑卡拉迅速晋升,

并在两年
内被任命为总理。

在他的新职位上,

向贫困社区、
妇女和年轻人发表了集会演讲。

他甚至试图说服
其他人 政府

根据共同的殖民遗产结成联盟。

但韦德拉奥戈和他的顾问们
感到桑卡拉的新职位受到威胁。

他们认为他的共产主义信仰会
损害与资本主义国家的联盟


在成为总理几个月后,

韦德拉奥戈政府
迫使桑卡拉下台

并将他软禁。

总统几乎不知道

这一行为会助长上沃尔特
17 年来的第四次政变。

首都周围发生了平民抗议

,政府陷入停顿,

而桑卡拉试图通过
谈判和平过渡。

在此期间,

桑卡拉的
朋友和前士兵布莱斯孔波雷

挫败了另一场政变,其中包括
对桑卡尔的企图 a的生活。

最终,韦德拉奥戈在
没有进一步暴力的情况下辞职

,1983 年 8 月 4 日,托马斯·桑卡拉
成为上沃尔特的新总统。

最后掌权的
桑卡拉发起了一项雄心勃勃

的社会和经济变革计划。

作为他的第一个议程项目之一,
他将该国

从其法国殖民名称
“上沃尔特”更名为“布基纳法索”

,意
为“正直人的土地”

。在接下来的四年里,他
发起了一场全国性的扫盲运动 ,

下令
种植超过 1000 万棵树,

并创作了一首新的国歌——

同时削减了
政府雇员虚高的工资。

但也许桑卡拉革命中最独特的元素

是他对性别平等的奉献。

他培养了一场
妇女解放运动,

禁止强迫婚姻、
一夫多妻制和切割生殖器官。

他是第一位任命
女性担任重要政治职务

并积极招募女性参军的非洲领导人。

然而,桑卡拉的社会主义政策
遭到了很大阻力。

许多学生和精英
认为他的经济计划

会 使布基纳法索
与资本主义同行疏远。


对滥用公共资金的镇压也

使政府官员
对他不利

。 四年来,
一场赋权革命

将许多有影响力的布基纳法索人孤立起来。

但是桑卡拉还没有准备
好放弃他的力量。

他执行了
越来越专制的行动,

包括禁止工会
和新闻自由。

最终,他的专制倾向

甚至使他最亲密的朋友也
反对他。

1987 年 10 月 15 日,

桑卡拉正在开会
,一群袭击者

涌入他的总部。

桑卡拉在袭击中被暗杀

,许多人认为这次袭击是
他的朋友布莱斯·孔波雷下令进行的。

尽管他的遗产很复杂,

但桑卡拉的许多政策已经证明
自己领先于时代。

在过去的十年里,

布基纳法索的青年都在推崇
桑卡拉的政治理念,

加纳等周边国家甚至
采用了桑卡拉的经济模式。

2019 年 3 月 2 日,
桑卡拉雕像在布基纳法索首都竖立,

确立
了他作为国家和全世界革命象征的地位