Can you outsmart this logical fallacy Alex Gendler

Meet Lucy.

She was a math major in college,

and aced all her courses in probability
and statistics.

Which do you think is more likely: that
Lucy is a portrait artist,

or that Lucy is a portrait artist
who also plays poker?

In studies of similar questions, up to 80
percent of participants

chose the equivalent
of the second statement:

that Lucy is a portrait artist
who also plays poker.

After all, nothing we know about Lucy
suggests an affinity for art,

but statistics and probability
are useful in poker.

And yet, this is the wrong answer.

Look at the options again.

How do we know the first statement
is more likely to be true?

Because it’s a less specific version
of the second statement.

Saying that Lucy is a portrait artist
doesn’t make any claims

about what else she might or might not do.

But even though it’s far easier to imagine
her playing poker than making art

based on the background information,

the second statement is only true if she
does both of these things.

However counterintuitive it seems
to imagine Lucy as an artist,

the second scenario adds another condition
on top of that, making it less likely.

For any possible set of events, the
likelihood of A occurring

will always be greater than the likelihood
of A and B both occurring.

If we took a random sample of a million
people who majored in math,

the subset who are portrait artists might
be relatively small.

But it will necessarily be bigger

than the subset who are portrait artists
and play poker.

Anyone who belongs to the second group
will also belong to the first–

but not vice versa.

The more conditions there are,
the less likely an event becomes.

So why do statements with more conditions
sometimes seem more believable?

This is a phenomenon known as
the conjunction fallacy.

When we’re asked to make quick decisions,
we tend to look for shortcuts.

In this case, we look for what seems
plausible

rather than what is statistically
most probable.

On its own, Lucy being an artist doesn’t
match the expectations

formed by the preceding information.

The additional detail about
her playing poker

gives us a narrative that resonates
with our intuitions—

it makes it seem more plausible.

And we choose the option that seems more
representative of the overall picture,

regardless of its actual probability.

This effect has been observed
across multiple studies,

including ones with participants
who understood statistics well–

from students betting on
sequences of dice rolls,

to foreign policy experts predicting
the likelihood of a diplomatic crisis.

The conjunction fallacy isn’t just a
problem in hypothetical situations.

Conspiracy theories and false news stories

often rely on a version of the conjunction
fallacy to seem credible–

the more resonant details are added
to an outlandish story,

the more plausible it begins to seem.

But ultimately, the likelihood
a story is true

can never be greater than the probability
that its least likely component is true.

认识露西。

她在大学主修数学,

并且在概率和统计学的所有课程中都取得了优异的成绩

你认为哪一个更有可能:
Lucy 是一位肖像艺术家,

还是 Lucy 是一位同时玩扑克的肖像艺术家

在对类似问题的研究中,高达 80
% 的参与者

选择了
与第二个陈述相当的陈述

:露西是一位肖像艺术家
,同时也玩扑克。

毕竟,我们对 Lucy 的了解并不
表明她对艺术有浓厚的兴趣,

但统计数据和概率
在扑克中很有用。

然而,这是错误的答案。

再看看选项。

我们怎么知道第一个
陈述更有可能是真的?

因为它是第二个语句的一个不太具体的版本

说露西是一位肖像艺术家
并没有对

她可能会或可能不会做的其他事情提出任何要求。

但是,尽管想象
她玩扑克比

根据背景信息创作艺术要容易得多,

但只有当她同时做这两件事时,第二个陈述才是正确的

无论
将露西想象成艺术家似乎违反直觉

,第二种情况
在此基础上增加了另一个条件,使其不太可能。

对于任何可能的事件集,
A 发生

的可能性总是大于
A 和 B 同时发生的可能性。

如果我们从一百万
主修数学的人中随机抽样,

肖像艺术家的子集
可能相对较小。

但它必然

比肖像艺术家和玩扑克的子集更大

属于第二组的任何人
也将属于第一组——

但反之则不然。

条件越多,
事件发生的可能性就越小。

那么,为什么条件
更多的陈述有时看起来更可信呢?

这是一种称为
合取谬误的现象。

当我们被要求快速做出决定时,
我们倾向于寻找捷径。

在这种情况下,我们寻找看似
合理的东西,

而不是统计上
最可能的东西。

就其本身而言,露西作为一名艺术家并不
符合

上述信息所形成的期望。

关于她玩扑克的额外细节

给了我们一个与我们的直觉产生共鸣的叙述——

这让它看起来更合理。

我们选择似乎更能
代表整体情况的选项,

而不管其实际概率如何。 在多项研究

中都观察到了这种影响

包括
参与者对统计数据非常了解的研究——

从学生投注
骰子序列

到外交政策专家预测
外交危机的可能性。

合取谬误不仅仅是
假设情况下的问题。

阴谋论和虚假新闻故事

通常依赖于合取
谬误的一个版本来显得可信

——一个古怪的故事中添加的引起共鸣的细节

越多,它开始看起来就越合理。

但归根结底,
一个故事真实的可能性

永远不会大
于其最不可能的部分是真实的概率。