How risktaking changes a teenagers brain Kashfia Rahman

Have you ever tried
to understand a teenager?

It’s exhausting, right?

You must be puzzled by the fact
that some teens do well in school,

lead clubs and teams

and volunteer in their communities,

but they eat Tide Pods
for an online challenge,

speed and text while driving,

binge drink and experiment
with illicit drugs.

How can so many teens
be so smart, skilled and responsible –

and careless risk-takers at the same time?

When I was 16,

while frequently observing
my peers in person

as well as on social media,

I began to wonder why so many teens
took such crazy risks.

It seems like getting a certificate
from DARE class in the fifth grade

can’t stop them.

(Laughter)

What was even more alarming to me

was that the more they exposed
themselves to these harmful risks,

the easier it became for them
to continue taking risks.

Now this confused me,

but it also made me incredibly curious.

So, as someone with a name

that literally means
“to explore knowledge,”

I started searching
for a scientific explanation.

Now, it’s no secret
that teens ages 13 to 18

are more prone to risk-taking
than children or adults,

but what makes them so daring?

Do they suddenly become reckless,

or is this just a natural phase
that they’re going through?

Well neuroscientists
have already found evidence

that the teen brain
is still in the process of maturation –

and that this makes them
exceptionally poor at decision-making,

causing them to fall prey
to risky behaviors.

But in that case,
if the maturing brain is to blame,

then why are teens
more vulnerable than children,

even though their brains
are more developed than those of children?

Also, not all teens in the world
take risks at the same level.

Are there some other underlying
or unintentional causes

driving them to risk-taking?

Well, this is exactly
what I decided to research.

So, I founded my research
on the basis of a psychological process

known as “habituation,”

or simply what we refer to
as “getting used to it.”

Habituation explains how our brains
adapt to some behaviors,

like lying, with repeated exposures.

And this concept inspired me
to design a project

to determine if the same principle

could be applied to the relentless
rise of risk-taking in teenagers.

So I predicted that
habituation to risk-taking

may have the potential to change
the already-vulnerable teenage brain

by blunting or even eradicating

the negative emotions
associated with risk,

like fear or guilt.

I also thought because they
would feel less fearful and guilty,

this desensitization would lead them
to even more risk-taking.

In short, I wanted to conduct
a research study

to answer one big question:

Why do teens keep making
outrageous choices

that are harmful
to their health and well-being?

But there was one big obstacle in my way.

To investigate this problem,

I needed teenagers to experiment on,

laboratories and devices
to measure their brain activity,

and teachers or professors to supervise me
and guide me along the way.

I needed resources.

But, you see, I attended
a high school in South Dakota

with limited opportunity
for scientific exploration.

My school had athletics,

band, choir, debate and other clubs,

but there were no STEM programs
or research mentors.

And the notion of high schoolers

doing research or participating
in a science fair was completely foreign.

Simply put, I didn’t exactly
have the ingredients

to make a chef-worthy dish.

And these obstacles were frustrating,

but I was also a stubborn teenager.

And as the daughter
of Bangladeshi immigrants

and one of just a handful
of Muslim students

in my high school in South Dakota,

I often struggled to fit in.

And I wanted to be someone
with something to contribute to society,

not just be deemed
the scarf-wearing brown girl

who was an anomaly
in my homogenous hometown.

I hoped that by doing this research,

I could establish this

and how valuable scientific exploration
could be for kids like me

who didn’t necessarily
find their niche elsewhere.

So with limited research opportunities,

inventiveness allowed me to overcome
seemingly impossible obstacles.

I became more creative in working
with a variety of methodologies,

materials and subjects.

I transformed my unassuming school library

into a laboratory

and my peers into lab rats.

(Laughter)

My enthusiastic geography teacher,

who also happens to be
my school’s football coach,

ended up as my cheerleader,

becoming my mentor
to sign necessary paperwork.

And when it became logistically impossible

to use a laboratory
electroencephalography,

or EEG,

which are those electrode devices
used to measure emotional responses,

I bought a portable EEG headset
with my own money,

instead of buying the new iPhone X

that a lot of kids my age
were saving up for.

So finally I started the research

with 86 students,
ages 13 to 18, from my high school.

Using the computer cubicles
in my school library,

I had them complete a computerized
decision-making simulation

to measure their risk-taking behaviors
comparable to ones in the real world,

like alcohol use, drug use and gambling.

Wearing the EEG headset,

the students completed the test
12 times over three days

to mimic repeated risk exposures.

A control panel on the EEG headset

measured their various
emotional responses:

like attention, interest,
excitement, frustration,

guilt, stress levels and relaxation.

They also rated their emotions

on well-validated
emotion-measuring scales.

This meant that I had measured
the process of habituation

and its effects on decision-making.

And it took 29 days
to complete this research.

And with months of frantically
drafting proposals,

meticulously computing data
in a caffeinated daze at 2am,

I was able to finalize my results.

And the results showed
that habituation to risk-taking

could actually change a teen’s brain
by altering their emotional levels,

causing greater risk-taking.

The students' emotions
that were normally associated with risks,

like fear, stress, guilt and nervousness,

as well as attention,

were high when they were first
exposed to the risk simulator.

This curbed their temptations
and enforced self-control,

which prevented them
from taking more risks.

However, the more they were exposed
to the risks through the simulator,

the less fearful, guilty
and stressed they became.

This caused a situation

in which they were no longer able to feel

the brain’s natural
fear and caution instincts.

And also, because they are teenagers
and their brains are still underdeveloped,

they became more interested and excited
in thrill-seeking behaviors.

So what were the consequences?

They lacked self-control
for logical decision-making,

took greater risks

and made more harmful choices.

So the developing brain alone
isn’t to blame.

The process of habituation
also plays a key role in risk-taking

and risk escalation.

Although a teen’s willingness to seek risk

is largely a result of the structural
and functional changes

associated with their developing brains,

the dangerous part
that my research was able to highlight

was that a habituation to risks

can actually physically
change a teen’s brain

and cause greater risk-taking.

So it’s the combination
of the immature teen brain

and the impact of habituation

that is like a perfect storm
to create more damaging effects.

And this research can help parents
and the general public

understand that teens aren’t just
willfully ignoring warnings

or simply defying parents by engaging
in increasingly more dangerous behavior.

The biggest hurdle they’re facing
is their habituation to risks:

all the physical, detectable
and emotional functional changes

that drive and control and influence
their over-the-top risk-taking.

So yes, we need policies
that provide safer environments

and limit exposures to high risks,

but we also need policies
that reflect this insight.

These results are
a wake-up call for teens, too.

It shows them that the natural
and necessary fear and guilt

that protect them from unsafe situations

actually become numb when they
repeatedly choose risky behaviors.

So with this hope to share my findings
with fellow teenagers and scientists,

I took my research

to the Intel International
Science and Engineering Fair, or ISEF,

a culmination of over 1,800 students

from 75 countries,
regions and territories,

who showcase their cutting-edge
research and inventions.

It’s like the Olympics of science fair.

(Laughter)

There, I was able to present my research
to experts in neuroscience and psychology

and garner valuable feedback.

But perhaps the most
memorable moment of the week

was when the booming speakers
suddenly uttered my name

during the awards ceremony.

I was in such disbelief
that I questioned myself:

Was this just another “La La Land” blunder

like at the Oscars?

(Laughter)

Luckily, it wasn’t.

I really had won first place

in the category “Behavioral
and Social Sciences.”

(Applause)

Needless to say,

I was not only thrilled
to have this recognition,

but also the whole experience
of science fair that validated my efforts

keeps my curiosity alive

and strengthens my creativity,

perseverance and imagination.

This still image of me
experimenting in my school library

may seem ordinary,

but to me, it represents
a sort of inspiration.

It reminds me that this process
taught me to take risks.

And I know that might sound
incredibly ironic.

But I took risks realizing

that unforeseen opportunities
often come from risk-taking –

not the hazardous,
negative type that I studied,

but the good ones,

the positive risks.

The more risks I took,

the more capable I felt of withstanding
my unconventional circumstances,

leading to more tolerance,
resilience and patience

for completing my project.

And these lessons
have led me to new ideas

like: Is the opposite
of negative risk-taking also true?

Can positive risk-taking
escalate with repeated exposures?

Does positive action
build positive brain functioning?

I think I just might have
my next research idea.

(Applause)

你有没有尝试
过了解一个青少年?

很累,对吧?

您一定对以下事实感到困惑
:一些青少年在学校表现出色,

领导俱乐部和团队

并在他们的社区中做志愿者,

但他们吃 Tide Pods 是
为了在线挑战、

开车时速度和发短信、

酗酒和
尝试非法药物。

这么多青少年怎么
能同时如此聪明、熟练和负责任——

同时又是粗心的冒险者?

当我 16 岁时

,我经常

亲自和在社交媒体上观察我的同龄人,

我开始想知道为什么这么多青少年
冒着如此疯狂的风险。

五年级DARE班的证书似乎

无法阻止他们。

(笑声

) 更令我震惊的

是,他们越是
暴露在这些有害的风险

中,他们就越
容易继续冒险。

现在这

让我很困惑,但也让我非常好奇。

所以,作为一个

名字字面意思是
“探索知识”的人,

我开始
寻找科学的解释。

现在,
13 至 18 岁的青少年

比儿童或成人更容易冒险已经不是什么秘密了,

但是是什么让他们如此大胆呢?

他们是否突然变得鲁莽,

或者这
只是他们正在经历的一个自然阶段?

好吧,神经
科学家已经发现证据

表明青少年的
大脑仍处于成熟过程中

——这使得他们
在决策方面异常糟糕,

导致他们
成为危险行为的牺牲品。

但在这种情况下,
如果要责备成熟的大脑,

那么为什么青少年
比儿童更脆弱,

即使他们的大脑
比儿童更发达?

此外,并非世界上所有的青少年都在同一水平上
冒险。

是否还有其他一些潜在的
或无意的原因

促使他们冒险?

嗯,这
正是我决定研究的。

因此,我的研究
基于一种

被称为“习惯”的心理过程,

或者简称
为“习惯”。

习惯解释了我们的大脑如何通过反复暴露
来适应某些行为

,例如说谎。

这个概念启发
我设计了一个项目,

以确定是否可以将相同的原则

应用于青少年冒险行为的不断增加。

因此,我预测,
冒险习惯

可能会

通过减弱甚至消除

与风险相关的负面情绪(

如恐惧或内疚)来改变已经脆弱的青少年大脑。

我还认为,因为他们
不会感到恐惧和内疚,

这种脱敏会导致
他们更加冒险。

简而言之,我想进行
一项研究

来回答一个大问题:

为什么青少年会不断做出

对他们的健康和幸福有害的离谱选择?

但我的道路上有一个很大的障碍。

为了研究这个问题,

我需要青少年进行实验,需要

实验室和设备
来测量他们的大脑活动,

并且需要老师或教授来监督
和指导我。

我需要资源。

但是,你看,我
在南达科他州的一所高中上学,

科学探索的机会有限。

我的学校有田径、

乐队、合唱团、辩论和其他俱乐部,

但没有 STEM 项目
或研究导师。

高中生

做研究或
参加科学展览的概念完全是陌生的。

简而言之,我并不完全
具备

做一道值得厨师的菜的原料。

这些障碍令人沮丧,

但我也是一个固执的少年。

作为
孟加拉国移民的女儿,

也是我在南达科他州高中的少数穆斯林学生之一,

我经常难以融入其中。

我想成为一个
为社会做出贡献的人,

而不仅仅是被
视为围巾 - 穿着棕色的

女孩,
在我同质的家乡是一个异常。

我希望通过这项研究,

我可以确立这一点

,以及科学
探索对于像

我这样不一定
在其他地方找到自己的利基的孩子来说是多么有价值。

因此,在有限的研究机会下,

创造力让我克服了
看似不可能的障碍。


使用各种方法、

材料和主题时,我变得更有创造力。

我把不起眼的学校图书馆

变成了实验室

,把同龄人变成了实验室老鼠。

(笑声)

我热情的地理老师

,也恰好是
我学校的足球教练,

最终成为了我的啦啦队长,

成为我的导师
,签署必要的文件。

实验室
脑电图

或脑电图(

用于测量情绪反应的电极设备)在逻辑上变得不可能时,

我用自己的钱买了一个便携式脑电图耳机

而不是买很多孩子喜欢的新 iPhone

X 年龄
正在积蓄。

所以最后我

和高中的 86 名
13 到 18 岁的学生开始了这项研究。

使用
我学校图书馆的电脑隔间,

我让他们完成了一个计算机化
的决策模拟,

以衡量他们
与现实世界中的冒险行为类似的冒险行为,

比如酗酒、吸毒和赌博。 学生们

戴着 EEG 耳机

,在三天内完成了 12 次测试,

以模拟重复的风险暴露。

EEG 耳机上的控制面板

测量了他们的各种
情绪反应:

如注意力、兴趣、
兴奋、沮丧、

内疚、压力水平和放松。

他们还在

经过充分验证的情绪测量量表上对自己的情绪进行了
评分。

这意味着我已经测量
了习惯化的过程

及其对决策的影响。

完成这项研究用了 29 天。

经过数月的疯狂
起草提案,

凌晨 2 点在咖啡因的发呆中精心计算数据,

我能够最终确定我的结果。

结果
表明,冒险习惯

实际上可以通过改变青少年的
情绪水平来改变他们的大脑,

从而导致更大的冒险。

学生
们通常与风险相关的情绪,

如恐惧、压力、内疚和紧张,

以及注意力,

在他们第一次
接触风险模拟器时很高。

这抑制了他们的诱惑
并加强了自我控制,

从而阻止了
他们承担更多的风险。

然而,他们
通过模拟器暴露的风险

越多,他们变得越不害怕、内疚
和压力。

这导致了一种情况,

在这种情况下,他们不再能够

感受到大脑的自然
恐惧和谨慎本能。

而且,由于他们是青少年
,他们的大脑仍然不发达,

他们对
寻求刺激的行为变得更加感兴趣和兴奋。

那么后果是什么?

他们缺乏自我控制
的逻辑决策,

承担更大的风险

,做出更多有害的选择。

因此,发育中的
大脑不应该受到责备。

习惯化
过程在冒险

和风险升级中也起着关键作用。

尽管青少年寻求风险的意愿在

很大程度上是与他们大脑发育相关的结构和功能变化的结果,但

我的研究能够强调的危险部分

是,对风险的习惯

实际上会
改变青少年的大脑

并导致更大的风险 -采取。

因此
,不成熟的青少年大脑

和习惯的影响相结合

,就像一场完美的风暴
,创造了更多的破坏性影响。

这项研究可以帮助父母
和公众

了解,青少年不仅仅是
故意无视警告,

或者只是通过
参与越来越危险的行为来蔑视父母。

他们面临的最大障碍
是他们对风险的习惯:

所有驱动、控制和影响他们过度冒险的身体、可检测
和情感功能变化

所以,是的,我们需要
提供更安全环境

并限制高风险敞口的

政策,但我们也需要
反映这种洞察力的政策。

这些结果也
给青少年敲响了警钟。

它向他们表明,当他们反复选择危险行为时,保护他们免受不安全情况影响的自然
和必要的恐惧和内疚

实际上变得麻木了

因此,怀着与其他青少年和科学家分享我的发现的希望

我将我的研究

带到了英特尔国际
科学与工程博览会 (ISEF),

来自 75 个国家、
地区和地区的 1,800 多名

学生展示了他们的前沿技术。
研究和发明。

这就像科学博览会的奥运会。

(笑声)

在那里,我能够向
神经科学和心理学专家展示我的研究,

并获得有价值的反馈。

但也许
本周最难忘的时刻

是在颁奖典礼上,轰隆隆的演讲者
突然说出我的名字

我难以置信
地问自己:

这只是像奥斯卡颁奖典礼上的另一个“爱乐之城”失误

吗?

(笑声)

幸运的是,它不是。

我真的

在“行为
和社会科学”类别中获得了第一名。

(掌声)

不用说,

我不仅很高兴
能获得这种认可,

而且整个
科学博览会的经历验证了我的努力,

使我的好奇心保持活力

,增强了我的创造力、

毅力和想象力。

这张
我在学校图书馆里做实验的静止图像

可能看起来很普通,

但对我来说,它代表
了一种灵感。

它提醒我,这个过程
教会了我去冒险。

我知道这听起来可能
非常讽刺。

但我冒了风险,

意识到不可预见的机会
通常来自冒险——

不是我研究的有害的、
消极的类型,

而是好的

、积极的风险。

我承担的风险越多

,我就越有能力承受
非常规的环境,

从而为完成我的项目带来更多的宽容、
韧性和耐心

这些教训
让我产生了新的想法,

比如:
消极冒险的反面也是真的吗?

积极的冒险行为会
随着重复暴露而升级吗?

积极的行动会
建立积极的大脑功能吗?

我想我可能会有
我的下一个研究想法。

(掌声)