How to change your behavior for the better Dan Ariely

Translator: Joseph Geni
Reviewer: Camille Martínez

Hi.

You might have noticed
that I have half a beard.

It’s not because I lost a bet.

Many years ago, I was badly burned.

Most of my body is covered with scars,

including the right side of my face.

I just don’t have hair.
That’s just how it happened.

It looks symmetrical, but almost.

Anyway, now that we discussed facial hair,

let’s move to social science.

And in particular, I want us to think
about where is the potential for humanity

and where we are now.

And if you think about it,
there’s a big gap

between where we think we could be
and where we are,

and it’s in all kinds of areas.

So let me ask you:

How many of you in the last month
have eaten more than you think you should?

Just kind of general. OK.

How many of you in the last month have
exercised less than you think you should?

OK, and for how many of you
has raising your hands twice

been the most exercise you got today?

(Laughter)

How many of you have ever
texted while driving?

OK, we’re getting honest.
Let’s test your honesty.

How many people here in the last month

have not always washed your hands
when you left the bathroom?

(Laughter)

A little less honest.

By the way, it’s interesting how we’re
willing to admit texting and driving

but not washing our hands,
that’s difficult.

(Laughter)

We can go on and on.

The problem, the topic is
that there’s lots of things

when we know what we could do –

we could be very, very different,
but we’re acting in a very different way.

And when we think
how do we bridge that gap,

the usual answer is, “Just tell people.”

For example, just tell people
that texting and driving is dangerous.

Did you know it’s dangerous?
You should stop doing it.

You tell people something
is dangerous, and they will stop.

Texting and driving is one example.

Another very sad example
is that in the US,

we spend between seven
and eight hundred million dollars a year

on what’s called “financial literacy.”

And what do we get
as a consequence of that?

There was recently a study that looked
at all the research ever to be conducted

on financial literacy –
what’s called a meta-analysis.

And what they found is that
when you tell people,

you teach them financial literacy,

they learn and they remember.

But do people execute? Not so much.

The improvement is about
three or four percent

immediately after the course,

and then it goes down.

And at the end of the day,

the improvement is about 0.1 percent –

not zero, but as humanly close
to zero as possible.

(Laughter)

So that’s the sad news.

The sad news is, giving
information to people

is just not a good recipe
to change behavior.

What is?

Well, social science
has made lots of strides,

and the basic insight is that
if we want to change behavior,

we have to change the environment.

The right way is not to change people,
it’s to change the environment.

And I want to present a very simpleminded
model of how to think about it:

it’s to think about behavioral change

in the same way that we think about
sending a rocket to space.

When we think about
sending a rocket to space,

we want to do two main things.

The first one is to reduce friction.

We want to take the rocket
and have as little friction as possible

so it’s the most aerodynamic possible.

And the second thing is we want
to load as much fuel as possible,

to give it the most amount
of motivation, energy to do its task.

And behavior change is the same thing.

So let’s first talk about friction.

In this particular case study
I’ll tell you about,

there’s a pharmacy, an online pharmacy.

Imagine you go to your doctor.

You have a long-term illness,

your doctor prescribes
to you a medication,

you sign up for this online pharmacy

and you get your medication
in the mail every 90 days.

Every 90 days, medication,
medication, medication.

And this online pharmacy
wants to switch people

from branded medication
to generic medication.

So they send people letters, and they say,

“Please, please, please,
switch to generics.

You will save money, we will save money,
your employer will save money.”

And what do people do?

Nothing.

So they try all kinds of things
and nothing happens.

So for one year, they give people
an amazing offer.

They send people a letter, and they say,

“If you switch to generics now,
it will be free for a whole year.”

Free for a whole year. Amazing!

What percentage of people
do you think switched?

Less than 10 percent.

At this point, they show up to my office.

And they come to complain.

Why did they pick me?

I wrote a couple of papers
on the “allure of free.”

In those papers, we showed
that if you reduce the price of something

for, let’s say, 10 cents to one cent,
nothing much happens.

You reduce it from one cent to zero,
now people get excited.

(Laughter)

And they said, “Look, we read these
papers on ‘free,’ we gave ‘free.’

Not working as we expected.

What’s going on?”

I said, “You know, maybe
it’s a question of friction.”

They said, “What do you mean?”

I said, “People are starting with branded.

They can do nothing and end with branded.

To move to generic, they have to choose
generic over branded,

but they also have to do something.

They have to return the letter.”

So this is what we call
a “confounded design.”

Two things are happening at the same time.

It’s branded versus generic,

but it’s doing nothing
versus doing something.

So I said, “Why don’t we switch it?

Why don’t we send people a letter
and say, ‘We’re switching you to generics.

You don’t need to do anything.

If you want to stay with branded,
please return the letter.'”

(Laughter)

Right?

What do you think happened?

Lawyers, lawyers happened.

(Laughter)

It turns out, this is illegal.

(Laughter)

By the way, for brainstorming
and creativity,

doing things that are illegal
and immoral, it’s fine,

as long as it’s just
in the brainstorming phase.

(Laughter)

But this was the purity of the idea,

because the initial design was
the branded had the no-action benefit.

In my illegal, immoral design,
generic had the no-action benefit.

But they agreed to give people
a T-intersection:

send people a letter and say,

“If you don’t return this letter,

we will be forced
to stop your medications.

But when you return the letter,
you could choose branded at this price,

generic at this price.”

Now people had to take an action.

They were on even footing. Right?

It wasn’t that one had
the no-action benefit.

What percentage do you think switched?

The vast majority switched.

So what does it tell us?

Do people like generics,
or do we like branded?

We hate returning letters.

(Laughter)

This is the story of friction:
small things really matter.

And friction is about taking
the desired behavior

and saying: Where do we have
too much friction

so it’s slowing people down
from acting on it?

And every time you see
that the desired behavior

and the easy behavior are not aligned,

it means we want to try and realign them.

That’s the first part.
We talked about friction.

Now let’s talk about motivation.

In this particular study,

we were trying to get very poor people
in a slum called Kibera in Kenya

to save a little bit of money
for a rainy day.

You know, if you’re very, very poor,
you have no extra money,

you live hand to mouth,

and from time to time, bad things happen.

And when something bad happens,
you have nothing to draw on, you borrow.

The Kibera people can borrow at sometimes
up to 10 percent interest a week.

And then, of course,
it’s really hard to get out of it.

You live hand to mouth,
something bad happens,

you borrow, things get worse
and worse and worse.

So we wanted people to keep
a little bit of money for a rainy day.

And we thought about
what is the motivation,

what is the fuel that we need to add?

And we tried all kinds of things.

Some people, we texted them
once a week and said,

“Please try to save 100 shillings” –
about a dollar – “this week.”

Some people, we sent a text message
as if it came from their kids.

So it said, “Hi Mom, hi Dad,
this is little Joey” –

whatever the name of the kid was –

“Try and save 100 shillings this week
for the future of our family.”

Right? I’m Jewish, a little bit
of guilt always works.

(Laughter)

Some people got 10 percent.

“Save up to a hundred shillings,
we’ll give you 10 percent.”

Some people got 20 percent.

Some people got also
10 percent and 20 percent,

but they got it with loss aversion.

What is loss aversion?

Loss aversion is the idea
that we hate losing

more than we enjoy gaining.

Now, think about somebody
who is in a 10-percent condition

and they put 40 shillings in.

They put 40 shillings,
we give them four more,

they say thank you very much.

That person gave up six.

They could have gotten six more
if they gave a hundred,

but they don’t see it.

So we created what we call pre-match.

We put the 10 shillings in
at the beginning of the week.

We said, “It’s waiting for you!”

And then if somebody puts 40 in,
we say, “Oh, you put 40 in,

we’re leaving four,
and we’re taking six back.”

So in both cases, pre-match or post-match,

people get 10 percent.

But in the pre-match,

they see the money they did not match
leaving their account.

So we have text, text from kids,
10 percent, 20 percent,

pre-match, post-match.

And we had one more condition.

It was a coin about this size,

with 24 numbers written on it.

And we asked them to put the coin
somewhere in their hut,

and every week, take a knife
and scratch the number for that week –

week one, two, three, four –

scratch it like a minus
if they didn’t save

and scratch it up and down if they saved.

Now, think to yourself:

Which one of those methods
do you think worked the best?

Text, text from the kids,
10 percent, 20 percent,

beginning of the week,
end of the week, and the coin?

I’ll tell you what
the average people think.

We’ve done these studies of prediction,

both in the US and in Kenya.

People think that 20 percent
will get a lot of action,

10 percent less,

the rest of it will do nothing –

kids, coin, doesn’t matter.

People think loss aversion
will have a small effect.

What actually happened?

Sending a text reminder once a week

helps a lot.

Good news!

This program lasted six months.
People forget. Reminding people is great.

Ten percent at the end
of the week helped some more.

Financial incentives work.

Twenty percent at the end of the week –
just like 10 percent, no difference.

Ten percent in the beginning of the week

helps some more.

Loss aversion works.

Twenty percent in
the beginning of the week,

just like 10 percent in the beginning
of the week, no difference.

And the text message from the kids
was just as effective

as 20 percent plus loss aversion –

which is amazing, right?

It’s amazing how motivating
messages from kids were.

And one conclusion is
we don’t use kids enough.

(Laughter)

And, of course, I don’t mean
in a child labor sense.

But if you think about
parents and their kids,

we are the best that we can for our kids,

and we think about the future,

and I think we should think

about how to use that amazing
source of motivation

to get parents to behave in a better way.

But the big surprise
of this study was the coin.

The coin basically doubled savings
compared to everything else.

And now the question is: Why?
What was it about the coin?

So I’ll tell you how I started
thinking about the coin,

and then we’ll come back to it.

So you know, when I do research
on, let’s say, buying coffee,

I don’t need to go anywhere.
I can sit in my office.

I’ve bought enough coffee.
I know how it works.

The details, I’m familiar with.

When you do research in some
of the poorest places in the world,

you have to go and visit
and see what’s going on

and get some insight
about how the system works.

And on that particular day,

I’m in a place called Soweto
in South Africa,

and I’m sitting in a place
that sells funeral insurance.

You know, in the US people spend
crazy amounts of money on weddings?

In South Africa, it’s funerals.

People spend up to a year
or two years of income on funerals.

And I sit in this place –

by the way, before you judge the South
Africans as being irrational with this,

I just want to remind you

that spending a lot of money
on funerals compared to weddings,

at least you know for sure
you only have one.

(Laughter)

OK, so I sit in this place
that sells funeral insurance.

And this guy comes in with his son –
his son is about 12 –

and he buys funeral insurance for a week.

It will cover 90 percent
of his funeral expense

only if he dies in the next seven days.

Right? These are very poor people,
they buy small amounts of insurance

and small amount of soap and such.

And he gets that certificate,

and in a very ceremonious way,
he gives it to his son.

And as he gives it to his son,
I think to myself, why the ceremony?

What is this father doing?

Now, think about the breadwinner
that decides on that particular day

to direct some money
into insurance or savings.

What is the family going to see tonight?

They’re going to see less.

Right? At that level of poverty, there’ll
be less food, less kerosene, less water –

something less tonight.

And what his father was doing
and what our coin was trying to do

is to say, yes, there’s less
food on the table,

but there’s another activity.

You see, what happened is, there are
many good, important economic activities,

like savings and insurance,
that are invisible.

And now the question is:
How do we make them visible?

So let’s go back to our rocket model.

We have to, first of all,
look at the system

and see where there’s little things
we can fix, with friction,

where is there
that we can remove friction?

And then the next thing we want to do
is to think broadly about the system,

and say: What other motivations
can we bring in?

And that’s a much more difficult exercise,

and we don’t always know
what would work best.

Is it going to be money?
Is it going to be loss aversion?

Is it going to be
something that is visible?

We don’t know, and we have
to try different things.

We also have to realize that
our intuition sometimes misleads us.

We don’t always necessarily know
what would work the best.

So if we think about this gap

between where we could be
and where we are,

it’s a really sad thing to see this gap
and to think about it.

But the good news is,
there’s lots we can do.

Some of the changes are easy,
some of the changes are more complex.

But if we’ll attack each problem directly,

not by just providing
more information to people

but trying to change the friction,

add motivation,

I think we can …

Can we close the gap? No.

But can we get much better?
Absolutely, yes.

Thank you very much.

(Applause)

译者:Joseph Geni
审稿人:Camille Martínez

嗨。

你可能已经
注意到我有一半的胡须。

不是因为我赌输了。

许多年前,我被严重烧伤。

我的大部分身体都布满了伤疤,

包括我的脸的右侧。

我只是没有头发。
事情就是这样发生的。

它看起来对称,但几乎。

无论如何,现在我们讨论了面部毛发,

让我们转向社会科学。

特别是,我希望我们
思考人类的潜力在

哪里,我们现在在哪里。

如果你仔细想想

,我们认为我们可以做到
的地方和我们现在的地方之间存在很大的差距,

而且它存在于各种领域。

所以让我问你:

上个月你们中有多少
人吃的比你认为的要多?

就是一般般。 行。

你们中有多少人在上个月
锻炼得比你认为的要少?

好的,对于你们当中有多少人来说,
两次举手

是你们今天做的最多的运动?

(笑声)

有多少人
在开车时发过短信?

好吧,我们说实话。
让我们测试一下你的诚实。

上个月这里有多少人在

您离开浴室时并不总是洗手?

(笑声

) 不那么诚实。

顺便说一句,有趣的是,我们
愿意承认发短信和开车

但不洗手,
这很困难。

(笑声)

我们可以继续说下去。

问题是,

当我们知道自己能做什么时,会有很多事情发生——

我们可能会非常非常不同,
但我们的行为方式非常不同。

当我们考虑
如何弥合这一差距时

,通常的答案是“告诉别人”。

例如,告诉人们
发短信和开车很危险。

你知道这很危险吗?
你应该停止这样做。

你告诉人们某事
很危险,他们就会停下来。

发短信和开车就是一个例子。

另一个非常可悲的例子
是,在美国,

我们
每年

在所谓的“金融知识”上花费 7 到 8 亿美元。

我们
会因此得到什么?

最近
有一项研究着眼于所有

关于金融知识的研究——
所谓的元分析。

他们发现,
当你告诉人们时,

你教他们金融知识,

他们学习并记住。

但是人们会执行吗? 没那么多。

课程结束后立即提高大约
3% 或 4%

然后下降。

归根结底

,改进幅度约为 0.1%——

不是零,而是
尽可能接近于零。

(笑声)

所以这是个不幸的消息。

可悲的是,
向人们提供信息

并不是
改变行为的好方法。

什么是?

好吧,社会科学
已经取得了很大的进步

,基本的见解是,
如果我们想改变行为,

就必须改变环境。

正确的方法不是改变人,
而是改变环境。

我想提出一个非常简单
的思考模式:

就像我们考虑
将火箭发射到太空一样,思考行为变化。

当我们考虑
向太空发射火箭时,

我们想做两件主要的事情。

第一个是减少摩擦。

我们希望使用火箭
并尽可能减少摩擦,

因此它是最符合空气动力学的。

第二件事是我们
要加载尽可能多的燃料,

给它最大
的动力和能量来完成它的任务。

行为改变也是一回事。

所以我们先来谈谈摩擦。

在这个特殊的案例研究中,
我将告诉你,

有一家药店,一家在线药店。

想象一下你去看医生。

您患有长期疾病,

您的医生
为您开药,

您注册了这家在线药房,

并且
每 90 天通过邮件收到您的药物。

每 90 天,服药,
服药,服药。

而这家在线药店
希望将人们

从品牌药
转变为仿制药。

所以他们给人们寄信,他们说,

“拜托,拜托,拜托,
改用仿制药。

你会省钱,我们会省钱,
你的雇主会省钱。”

人们做什么?

没有什么。

所以他们尝试了各种各样的
事情,但没有任何反应。

所以一年来,他们给人们
一个惊人的提议。

他们给人们发了一封信,他们说,

“如果你现在改用仿制药
,一整年都是免费的。”

一年免费。 惊人! 你认为有

多少百分比的人
转换了?

不到百分之十。

这时,他们出现在我的办公室。

他们来抱怨。

他们为什么选我?

我写了几篇
关于“免费的魅力”的论文。

在那些论文中,我们表明
,如果您将某物的价格降低

10 美分到 1 美分,则
不会发生任何事情。

你把它从一分钱减到零,
现在人们很兴奋。

(笑声

) 他们说,“看,我们读了这些
关于‘免费’的论文,我们给了‘免费’。

没有像我们预期的那样工作。发生了

什么事?

我说,“你知道,也许
这是一个摩擦的问题。”

他们说:“你什么意思?”

我说,“人们从品牌开始。

他们无能为力,以品牌结束。

要转向通用,他们必须选择
通用而不是品牌,

但他们也必须做一些事情。

他们必须回信。”

所以这就是我们所说
的“混淆设计”。

两件事同时发生。

它是品牌化的还是通用的,

但它什么都不
做而不是做某事。

所以我说,“我们为什么不转换它?

为什么我们不给人们发
一封信说,‘我们正在将你转换为仿制药。

你不需要做任何事情。

如果你想留在品牌 ,
请把信还给我。'”

(笑声)

对吧?

你认为发生了什么?

律师,律师发生了。

(笑声)

事实证明,这是非法的。

(笑声)

顺便说一句,对于头脑风暴
和创造力,

做非法
和不道德的事情,

只要是
在头脑风暴阶段就可以了。

(笑声)

但这就是想法的纯粹性,

因为最初的设计
是品牌化的,具有不采取行动的好处。

在我非法、不道德的设计中,
通用具有不采取行动的好处。

但他们同意给人们
一个T字路口:

给人们发一封信说,

“如果你不回这封信,

我们将
被迫停药。

但是当你回信时,
你可以选择brand at this 价格,

这个价位的通用。”

现在人们不得不采取行动。

他们站稳脚跟。 对?

并不是说一个人
有不采取行动的好处。

你认为转换的百分比是多少?

绝大多数都换了。

那么它告诉我们什么?

人们喜欢仿制药,
还是我们喜欢品牌?

我们讨厌回信。

(笑声)

这就是摩擦的故事:
小事真的很重要。

摩擦是关于
采取期望的行为

并说:我们在哪里有
太多的摩擦,

所以它会减慢人们
采取行动的速度?

每次你
看到期望的行为

和简单的行为不一致时,

这意味着我们想尝试重新调整它们。

这是第一部分。
我们谈到了摩擦。

现在让我们谈谈动机。

在这项特别的研究中,

我们试图让
肯尼亚一个叫做基贝拉的贫民窟中的非常贫穷的人

存一点钱
以备不时之需。

你知道,如果你非常非常穷,
你没有多余的钱,

你只能勉强糊口,

而且时不时会发生坏事。

当坏事发生时,
你没有什么可利用的,你借。

基贝拉人有时
可以以每周高达 10% 的利率借款。

然后,当然,
真的很难摆脱它。

你靠嘴吃饭,
发生了不好的事情,

你借钱,事情变得越来越
糟,越来越糟。

所以我们希望人们能
存一点钱以备不时之需。

我们思考了
什么是动力

,我们需要添加什么燃料?

我们尝试了各种各样的事情。

有些人,我们每周给他们发
一次短信说,

“请尽量节省 100 先令”——
大约 1 美元——“这周”。

有些人,我们发送了一条短信
,就好像它来自他们的孩子一样。

所以它说,“嗨,妈妈,嗨,爸爸,
这是小乔伊”——

不管孩子叫什么名字——

“这周试着
为我们家的未来节省 100 先令。”

对? 我是犹太人,
有点内疚总是有效的。

(笑声)

有些人得到 10%。

“最多节省一百先令,
我们会给你百分之十。”

有些人得到了20%。

有些人也得到了
10% 和 20%,

但他们得到了损失厌恶。

什么是损失厌恶?

损失厌恶
是我们讨厌失去

多于获得的想法。

现在,想想一个
处于 10% 状态的人

,他们投入了 40 先令。

他们投入了 40 先令,
我们再给他们 4 个,

他们说非常感谢。

那个人放弃了六个。 如果

他们给一百个,他们本可以再得到六个

但他们没有看到。

所以我们创造了我们称之为赛前的东西。

我们在本周初投入了 10 先令

我们说:“它在等你!”

然后如果有人投入 40,
我们会说,“哦,你投入 40,

我们将留下 4 个
,我们将收回 6 个。”

所以在这两种情况下,赛前或赛后,

人们都会得到 10%。

但在赛前,

他们看到他们不匹配的钱
离开了他们的账户。

所以我们有文字,来自孩子的文字,
10%,20%,

赛前,赛后。

我们还有一个条件。

这是一枚大小差不多的硬币,上面

写着24个数字。

我们让他们把硬币
放在他们小屋的某个地方

,每周,拿一把刀
,划出那一周的数字——第一

周,第二周,第三周,第四周——

如果他们不存钱,就像减号一样划掉

如果他们保存了,则上下刮擦。

现在,想想自己:

你认为哪种方法效果最好?

文字,来自孩子们的文字,
10%,20%,

一周的开始,一周的
结束,还有硬币?

我会告诉
你普通人的想法。

我们已经

在美国和肯尼亚进行了这些预测研究。

人们认为 20% 的人
会采取很多行动,

少了 10%

,其余的人将无所作为——

孩子,硬币,无所谓。

人们认为损失厌恶
会产生很小的影响。

究竟发生了什么?

每周发送一次短信提醒

很有帮助。

好消息!

该计划持续了六个月。
人们忘记了。 提醒人们很棒。

周末时 10% 的
帮助更多。

财政激励有效。

一周结束时百分之二十——
就像百分之十,没有区别。

一周开始的百分之十

有助于更多。

损失厌恶起作用了。

一周开始的百分之二十,就像一周开始的

百分之十
,没有区别。

孩子们发来的短信

就像 20% 加上损失厌恶一样有效——

这太神奇了,对吧?

令人惊讶的是
来自孩子们的激励信息。

一个结论是
我们没有足够地使用孩子。

(笑声)

当然,我指
的不是童工。

但如果你想想
父母和他们的孩子,

我们会尽我们所能为孩子们做最好的事情

,我们会考虑未来

,我认为我们应该

考虑如何利用这种惊人
的动力来源

让父母在 更好的方法。

但这项研究的最大惊喜
是硬币。

与其他一切相比,硬币基本上节省了一倍

现在的问题是:为什么?
硬币是怎么回事?

所以我会告诉你我是如何开始
思考硬币的,

然后我们会回到它。

所以你知道,当我做研究
时,比如说买咖啡,

我不需要去任何地方。
我可以坐在我的办公室里。

我买了足够的咖啡。
我知道它是如何工作的。

细节,我很熟悉。

当你
在世界上一些最贫穷的地方进行研究时,

你必须去参观
,看看发生了什么,


了解这个系统是如何运作的。

那天,

我在南非一个叫索韦托

的地方,我坐在一个
卖丧葬保险的地方。

你知道吗,在美国,人们
在婚礼上花很多钱?

在南非,这是葬礼。

人们
在葬礼上花费最多一年或两年的收入。

而我坐在这个地方

——顺便说一句,在你判断
南非人对此不合理之前,

我只想提醒你


与婚礼相比,在葬礼上花很多钱,

至少你肯定知道
你只是 有一个。

(笑声)

好的,所以我坐在
这个卖丧葬保险的地方。

这个人带着他的儿子进来——
他的儿子大约 12 岁

——他购买了一周的丧葬保险。

只有当他在接下来的 7 天内去世时,才能支付他 90% 的丧葬费用。

对? 这些人非常贫穷,
他们购买少量的保险

和少量的肥皂等。

他拿到了那张证书,

并以一种非常隆重的方式,
把它交给了他的儿子。

当他把它给他的儿子时,
我在想,为什么要举行仪式?

这个父亲在做什么?

现在,想想
那个决定在特定

日子将一些钱
用于保险或储蓄的养家糊口的人。

今晚家人要去看什么?

他们会看到更少。

对? 在这样的贫困水平下,
食物、煤油、水

会更少——今晚会更少。

他父亲正在做的
和我们的硬币试图做

的就是说,是的,
桌子上的食物少了,

但还有另一项活动。

你看,发生的事情是,有
很多好的、重要的经济活动,

比如储蓄和保险
,是看不见的。

现在的问题是:
我们如何让它们可见?

所以让我们回到我们的火箭模型。

我们必须,首先,
看看系统

,看看哪里有
我们可以解决的小问题,有摩擦,

哪里
有我们可以消除摩擦的地方?

然后我们想做的下一件事
是广泛地思考这个系统,

然后说:
我们还能引入哪些其他动机?

这是一项难度更大的练习

,我们并不总是知道
什么会最有效。

会不会是钱?
会不会是损失厌恶?

它会成为
可见的东西吗?

我们不知道,我们必须
尝试不同的事情。

我们还必须意识到,
我们的直觉有时会误导我们。

我们不一定总是知道
什么会最有效。

因此,如果我们考虑到

我们可能所处的位置
和我们所处的位置之间的

差距,看到这种差距并思考它是一件非常可悲的事情

但好消息是,
我们可以做很多事情。

有些变化很容易,
有些变化比较复杂。

但如果我们直接解决每一个问题,

不仅仅是
向人们提供更多信息,

而是试图改变摩擦,

增加动力,

我认为我们可以……

我们能缩小差距吗? 不,

但是我们能变得更好吗?
绝对没错。

非常感谢你。

(掌声)