The fight for civil rights and freedom John Lewis and Bryan Stevenson

Transcriber: Joseph Geni
Reviewer: Camille Martínez

(Music)

(Voice-over) John Lewis:
My friends, let us not forget

that we are involved in a serious
social revolution.

We want our freedom, and we want it now.

(Voice-over) JL: When you see something
that is not right or fair or just,

you have to say something,
you have to do something.

(Voice-over) JL: It doesn’t matter
whether you’re Black or white,

we’re one people and one family.

(Cheers)

(Voice-over) JL: One person
with a dream, with a vision,

can change things.

Bryan Stevenson:
When people talk about you,

what do you want them to say?

[TED Legacy Project]

[Congressman John Lewis
In conversation with Bryan Stevenson]

BS: Well, this is such a great honor
for me to be in this room with you,

to have this conversation.

I can’t tell you what it means to me
to have this opportunity.

You represent something so precious
to so many of us,

and I just wanted to start
by thanking you for that,

for your willingness to wrap
your arms around people like me

and to make me think that it’s possible
to do difficult things,

important things.

And I just want to start
by asking you to talk a little bit

about that experience
of growing up in rural Alabama

in the Black Belt of America

and how that cultivated this spirit
that shaped your life and your vision.

I mean, you used to have to pick cotton
on your family’s farm.

JL: When I used to fuss as a young child,

I would complain, “Why this? Why that?”

And my mother would say,
“Boy, it’s the only thing we can do.”

She said, “I know it’s hard work,
but what are we going to do?

We have to make a living.”

But I was hoping

and almost praying for that day

when people wouldn’t have to work
so hard in the hot sun.

She was hoping also
that things would be better,

much better for us as a people

and for my family.

My mother, she was always thinking ahead.

If we’d get up early and go and pick
as much cotton as we could,

we would get more money,

because she knew the cotton
would be heavier

‘cause the dew would be on it.

So when it was weighed,

money would be increased.

BS: Your mother sounds really strategic.

JL: My dear mother,

one day, she came across
a little newspaper in downtown Troy

that said something about
a school in Nashville, Tennessee,

that Black students could attend.

BS: She encouraged you to apply for that,

even though that meant you’d be leaving
the house, you’d be leaving the farm,

you would not be contributing
that extra labor.

JL: Well, I was prepared and willing to go

to try to do what my folks
called “doing better,”

to get an education.

But in the beginning,
I wanted to attend Troy State.

BS: You wanted to desegregate Troy State.

JL: I submitted my application,
my high school transcript.

I never heard a word from the school.

So I wrote a letter to Dr. King.

I didn’t tell my mother, my father,

any of my sisters or brothers,
any of my teachers.

I told him I needed his help.

He wrote me back

and sent me a round trip
Greyhound bus ticket

and invited me to come
to Montgomery to meet with him.

And I can never, ever forget it.

BS: You knew about Dr. King
even before the boycott.

You had heard his sermon

the Apostle “[Paul’s Letter]
to American Christians.”

It’s the speech he gives
to all the people in Montgomery

four days after Rosa Parks
has been arrested.

At the end of the speech, he says,

one day, they’re going to tell a story

about a group of people

in Montgomery, Alabama.

And then he says, of Black people
who stood up for their rights,

and when they stood up for their rights,
the whole world changed.

And you had an immediate response
to that call to action.

JL: That message really appealed to me.

BS: Yeah.

JL: It was sort of
a social gospel message.

BS: Yeah.

JL: I wanted to do what I could
to make things better,

‘cause when you see something
that is not right or fair or just,

you have to say something.

You have to do something.

It’s like a fire burning up in your bones,

and you cannot be silenced.

BS: That’s right.

JL: My mother would have said to me,
“Boy, don’t get in trouble.

Don’t get in trouble.

You can get hurt, you can get killed.”

Dr. King and Rosa Parks and E.D. Nixon

and others that I read about at that time

and later met,

inspired me to get in
what I call “good trouble,”

necessary trouble.

And I’ve been getting
in trouble ever since –

the sit-ins, the Freedom Ride …

BS: You went to Nashville

and began the work
of learning nonviolence.

When did nonviolence become
an essential part of your worldview

and the theology and the activism
that you wanted to create?

JL: Growing up, I wanted to be a minister.

I felt that what Dr. King
was saying in his speeches

was in keeping with the teaching of Jesus.

So I readily accepted this idea –

BS: Yeah. Yeah.

JL: … of nonviolence, the philosophy
and the discipline of nonviolence.

We were taught to respect
the dignity and the worth

of every human being

and never give up on anyone;

to try to reach them with kindness,

with hope and faith and love.

So you may beat me,
you may arrest me and throw me in jail,

but I’m not going to engage in violence.

I’m going to respect you as a human being.

BS: And I’m wondering whether
that is what gave you the courage

to endure some of that brutality.

Because a lot of people
talk about nonviolence.

They talk about the theology of love.

But when you’re on a bus

in Anniston, Alabama,

or in Montgomery, Alabama, as you’ve been,

surrounded by that mob
and surrounded by that hate,

surrounded by people who you know
are prepared to do violent things,

it’s a different dynamic.

JL: Yeah. I accepted that.

Dr. King taught us to love.

It’s in keeping with my Christian faith

to love everybody

and never hate,

because the hate was
too heavy a burden to bear.

BS: But it seems like
you were strategic, too.

You all thought a lot about
when and where to go someplace.

It wasn’t just, “Oh, here’s
an opportunity here, let’s just do it.

JL: We just didn’t jump up one day
and decide that we would go to Selma.

We checked places out.

Wherever there was
a possibility of leadership,

of creating a viral organization,

whether you had students,

people who were prepared
to get out and work and organize.

And that’s what we did.

We did everything that we could

to bring attention

to a situation that was
not good for people

and then we could organize people.

There were religious leaders

teachers and lawyers and others
in these communities and neighborhoods.

There would come a time
through the training

and accepting nonviolence,

the philosophy as a way of living,

as a way of life,

that you become prepared.

BS: It was a lot of rigorous training

to be prepared to be in
those very stressful situations

and maintain that commitment
to nonviolence,

and I don’t think people appreciate

how much work went into
preparing people for that.

JL: Well, it was something
that we became committed to,

a chance to go through role playing,

social drama,

pretending that you were beating someone

or knocking someone down,

someone’s blowing smoke in your face

and calling you all types of names,

training people how to be disciplined

and not giving up.

On the Freedom Rides in May of 1961,

when I was 21 years old,

leaving Washington, DC, for the first time

to go on the Freedom Ride –

I thought we were going to die.

As a matter of fact,

I thought I saw death,

but I believe God Almighty
kept me here for a reason.

BS: It’s a powerful, powerful testimony,

the picture of you,
and your head is bloodied,

this willingness to get
back on a bus to do it again.

And they interviewed you
after some of the sit-ins,

and what was interesting to me
about the way you talked about it

is you were very clear.

You said, we’re not just trying to do this
for the Black people in Nashville.

We’re trying to do this for everybody,

because they may not realize it yet,
but what they’re doing is wrong,

and I wouldn’t be the Christian
that I claim to be,

I wouldn’t be the good person
that I claimed to be,

if I didn’t try to help them

get past this wrong thing they’re doing.

I think people want redemption.

Our faith tradition,

we understand the power of redemption.

We preach about it,

and we understand that
there has to be confession,

there has to be repentance.

But collectively, as a society,
we haven’t really embraced that

in this country.

We haven’t really wanted to acknowledge
the legacy of slavery

and the history of lynching
and segregation.

People want to skip over the apology part,

and you still see these Confederate flags
and these symbols of resistance.

It seems to me part of what
is so urgent right now

is that we get people
to have the courage to say,

“You know, this was wrong,
and we have to reject that.”

But you have seen that redemption
in ways that I think has been

so extraordinary.

JL: A few short years ago,

one of the members of the Klan

who beat me and beat my seatmate,

in a little town

called Rock Hill, South Carolina,

left us lying in a pool of blood …

Many years later,

one member of the Klan

and his son

came to my office in Washington,

and he said, “I’ve been
a member of the Klan.

I’m one of the people
that beat you and left you bloody.

I want to apologize.”

His son started crying,
then he started crying.

He came up with his son to hug me.

I hugged them back,

and I saw this gentleman
three other times.

It’s the power of the way
of love, of forgiveness,

to admit it and say,
“I’m changed,” and move on.

BS: It does seem to me
that if we can show people

that on the other side of repentance,

on the other side of confession,
on the other side of acknowledgment,

there’s something beautiful,

like what you experienced
with that Klan member,

then maybe they’ll find their courage

to stand up and talk about
the wrongfulness of these things.

And I’ve been curious

how you would talk about what you learned

from your time with
Rosa Parks and Dr. King,

what they taught you,
what they left you with

that has allowed you
to do the work you’ve done.

JL: There’s something
about these individuals,

they touch me, they reach me.

If it hadn’t been for E.D. Nixon

or Rosa Parks,

Martin Luther King, Jr,

Reverend Ralph Abernathy

and so many others,

I don’t know what
would have happened to me.

I could have been lost.

But for Martin Luther King, Jr, to …

sent me a round trip
Greyhound bus ticket

and invited me to come
to Montgomery to meet with him,

my first Baptist church –

it’s impossible,

impossible

for a poor, barefooted boy

to dream that one day,

he would meet Martin Luther King, Jr.

I remember so well when he said,

“Are you the boy from Troy?

Are you John Lewis?”

And I said,

“Dr. King, I am John Robert Lewis.”

And he called me “the boy from Troy.”

“How is the boy from Troy doing?”

And sometimes, he would say things like,

“John, do you still preach?”

And I would say,

“Yes, Dr. King, when I’m taking
a shower so no one can hear me.”

BS: (Laughs)

JL: And he would laugh.

I think when he was assassinated,

when he died,

something died in all of us.

If he had lived –
he was a very young man –

maybe our country would be much better

and the world community
would be better off.

BS: We were talking earlier
about those critical moments,

1964, the passage of the Civil Rights Act,

the Voting Rights Act in 1965,

and it seems like our focus was on
ending the violations of rights

and less on remedying
this long history of violations

and what it would take to repair
all the damage that has been done.

And today I’m thinking,

in addition to no longer
denying Black people the right to vote,

maybe these states

should have done something reparational,
should have done something remedial.

They should have said, “You know what,

we’re going to automatically
register every Black person to vote.”

JL: The vote is the most powerful
nonviolent instrument or tool

that we have in a democratic society,

and we must make it easy
and simple for people to use it.

The people who gave
their very lives –

BS: Yes.

JL: … people who took
the beatings and suffered

so we have a right
to know what is in the food that we eat –

BS: Yes.

JL: … what is in the water we drink
or the air we breathe.

BS: You were the youngest speaker
at the March on Washington in 1963,

and you were very eloquent

and you were very compelling.

JL: I had worked on the speech
with some of the staffers

of the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee,

but I was determined

to inspire young people,

another generation.

And when I looked out
and saw that sea of humanity,

I said to myself, “This is it.

I must go forward.”

I tell you,

it came together and we worked,
all of us, very hard

on getting the Lord’s cry out
on the Mall that day.

But it went so well,

the president, President Kennedy,

invited us down to the White House
after the march was over,

and he stood in the door
of the Oval Office greeting us

and beaming like a proud father,

and he kept saying to each one of us,
“You did a good job. You did a good job.”

And when he got to Dr. King, he said,
“You did a good job,

and you had a dream.”

That was my last time
seeing President Kennedy.

BS: Wow.

JL: I admired him.

BS: Yeah.

JL: There was something about the man
that was so inspiring.

BS: Yeah. Yeah.

You talked about how he and Robert Kennedy
were an influence to get into politics.

I know you first ran in the ’70s,

and then you ran again in the ’80s.

I’m curious – what motivated you
to make that shift?

JL: I saw in politics that you could
be a force for good.

So I was motivated to run for office,

and people started encouraging me,
“You should run for something.”

And I made a decision.

I don’t think I changed that much.

I think I’m the same sane person.

BS: (Laughs)

I said what I want to say

and, for the most part,
I do what I want to do.

I think you have to be a force for good –

BS: Yeah. Yeah.

JL: … to inspire people,
to encourage people.

BS: I was so moved when you organized
the protests around gun violence,

and I’m wondering how you think
we should be teaching people

what it means to be hopeful.

How do you think about communicating that

to both your colleagues in the Congress
and another generation of leaders?

JL: You may get down,
you may get knocked down,

but you get up.

You keep moving, you keep pressing on.

That was part of
the civil rights movement,

a new day, a better day was gonna come,

but we had to help that day come.

We couldn’t be quiet,

couldn’t be silent.

We have to be engaged

in creating a way out of no way.

BS: Do you think there are strategies
that we’ve abandoned

that we need to pick back up

to confront the issues
that we’re looking at today?

JL: I think there’s so many tactics

and techniques

that we’ve sort of abandoned

that we need to go back

and pick up these techniques and tactics

and use them.

We need to teach people,

especially our young people.

We talk to grade school students
and high school students

and college students

to learn to embrace the philosophy

and the discipline of nonviolence,

how to engage in nonviolent direct action.

We need it now more than ever before.

BS: I think you’ve brought into
our political culture

this spirit of activism,
this spirit of strategic protest,

a willingness to even
occasionally be disruptive.

You haven’t attended
all of the inaugurations of presidents

when you’ve felt like there were issues
around the legitimacy of those elections,

and I see a new generation of politicians

that seem to embrace some aspects of that,

and I’m wondering whether you think

that the kind of modeling you’ve done

is going to be part of your legacy
that’s important to you

as a politician.

JL: I’ve been so impressed

with this new breed
of young men and young women

that are coming into elected positions.

It’s not just at the national level
but also at the local level.

And I think we, now more than ever before,

need men and women of conscience

as judges,

especially on the federal level,

but also at the state and local level,

to say, “We’ve got to mend.

We’ve got to make up.”

BS: Yeah.

JL: And people don’t have
100 years to make up.

We need to do it and do it now.

BS: You’ve become somebody
who has had such an impact on the world.

When people talk about you
50 years from now, 100 years from now,

what do you want them to say?

How you want to be thought of,
how you want to be talked about?

JL: My hope – I don’t think
I would have much to say about it,

but it would be:

he tried to create a better society,

a better world,

helping to liberate and free people,

helping to save people

and move people to a different
and better sense of humanity.

BS: I have met people who worked with you.

There are so many whose names
have never really been known,

but I encounter them every now and then,
because I get to live in Alabama.

And I talk about a man I met
who was in a church.

I was giving a talk,
and he was in the back.

He was in a wheelchair,

and he was staring at me
the whole time I was giving this talk,

and he had this stern,
almost angry look on his face.

And when I finished my talk,
people came up.

They were very nice and appropriate,

but that older Black man
in a wheelchair just kept staring.

And then he finally
wheels himself to the front,

and when he came up to me, he said,
“Do you know what you were doing?”

And I just stood there.

And then he asked me again,
“Do you know what you’re doing?”

And I mumbled something.
I don’t even remember what I said.

And he asked me one last time,
“Do you know what you’re doing?

Because I’m going to tell you
what you’re doing.”

He said, “You’re beating
the drum for justice.

You keep beating the drum for justice.”

And I was so moved.

I was also relieved,

because I just didn’t know
what was about to happen.

But then he said, “Come here,
come here, come here.”

And he pulled me by my jacket,
and he pulled me down close to him,

and he turned his head, and he said,

“You see this scar I have
right here behind my right ear?

I got that scar in Greene
County, Alabama, in 1963,

working with C.T. Vivian.”

JL: Yeah, Greene County.

BS: Then he turned his head.

He said, “You see this cut down here?

I got that in Philadelphia, Mississippi

trying to register people to vote.”

And then he said, “You see this bruise?
That’s my dog spot.

I got that in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1965
during the Children’s Crusade.”

And then he said, “People look at me,
they think I’m some old man

covered with cuts and bruises and scars,
but I’m going to tell you something.

These are not my cuts.

These are not my bruises.
These are not my scars.”

He said, “These are my medals of honor.”

And I am sitting here sitting next to you,

and I still see the scars,

and I know that there are the bruises,

and I know that there are the cuts,

and yet you are still talking about
love and redemption and justice

and inspiring people like me.

And I just want you to know,
I don’t think there’s an American living

that is more honored,

more representative
of the great values of this nation,

of the hope of this nation,

than you,

and I just cannot tell you
how thrilled and privileged I am

to have this opportunity
and to have this opportunity to share,

and I want you to know

I am going to keep fighting.

A lot of us are going to keep fighting,

and you have caused us to believe
that we cannot rest until justice comes.

And I want you to thank you for that.

JL: Wish you well.

BS: Absolutely, my friend.
Absolutely. Bless you.

JL: OK. Bless you, brother.

BS: Thank you. Thank you.

[Congressman John Lewis
February 21, 1940 - July 17, 2020]

[Rest in Peace]

抄写员:Joseph Geni
审稿人:Camille Martínez

(音乐)

(画外音) John Lewis:
我的朋友们,不要

忘记我们正卷入一场严肃的
社会革命。

我们想要我们的自由,我们现在就想要。

(画外音) JL:当你
看到不正确或不公平或不公正的

事情时,你必须说点什么,
你必须做点什么。

(画外音) JL:
不管你是黑人还是白人,

我们都是一个人和一个家庭。

(欢呼

声)(画外音) JL:一个
有梦想、有远见的人

可以改变事情。

布莱恩史蒂文森:
当人们谈论你时,

你想让他们说什么?

[TED Legacy Project]

[国会议员约翰·
刘易斯与布莱恩·史蒂文森交谈]

BS:嗯,很
荣幸能和你在这个房间

里进行这次谈话。

我无法告诉你
拥有这个机会对我意味着什么。

你代表了我们这么多人如此珍贵的东西

,我只想
首先感谢你,

感谢你愿意
拥抱像我这样的人

,让我认为有
可能做困难的事情,

重要的事情。

我只想
首先请您谈谈在美国黑带

阿拉巴马州农村长大的经历,

以及如何培养
这种塑造您生活和愿景的精神。

我的意思是,你过去不得不
在你家的农场里采摘棉花。

JL:当我小时候大惊小怪的时候,

我会抱怨,“为什么这样?为什么那样?”

我妈妈会说,
“男孩,这是我们唯一能做的。”

她说:“我知道这很辛苦,
但我们该怎么办?

我们必须谋生。”

但我希望

并且几乎祈祷

那天人们不必
在烈日下如此努力地工作。

她还
希望事情会变得更好,

对我们作为一个民族

和我的家人来说更好。

我的妈妈,她总是想得超前。

如果我们早点起床,
尽可能多地摘棉花,

我们会得到更多的钱,

因为她知道棉花
会更

重,因为上面会有露水。

所以当它被称重时,

钱会增加。

BS:你妈妈听起来很有战略眼光。

JL:我亲爱的妈妈,

有一天,她
在特洛伊市中心看到一份小报纸,上面写着

田纳西州纳什维尔的一所学校

,黑人学生可以就读。

BS:她鼓励你申请,

即使这意味着你会
离开家,你会离开农场,

你不会
贡献额外的劳动力。

JL:嗯,我已经准备好并且愿意

去尝试做我的家人
所说的“做得更好”

来接受教育。

但一开始,
我想去特洛伊州立大学。

BS:你想取消特洛伊州的种族隔离。

JL:我提交了我的申请,
我的高中成绩单。

我从来没有听到学校的消息。

所以我给金博士写了一封信。

我没有告诉我的母亲,我的父亲,

我的任何兄弟姐妹
,我的任何老师。

我告诉他我需要他的帮助。

他给我回了信

,给我寄了一张往返的
灰狗巴士票,

并邀请我
去蒙哥马利与他会面。

我永远,永远不会忘记它。

BS:你
甚至在抵制之前就知道金博士。

你听过他的

讲道使徒“[保罗
给美国基督徒的信”。

这是

罗莎·帕克斯被捕四天后,他在蒙哥马利向所有人发表的演讲

他说,在演讲结束时,

有一天,他们将

讲述一个关于

阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利一群人的故事。

然后他说,黑人
为自己的权利挺身而出

,当他们为自己的权利挺身而出时
,整个世界都改变了。

您对这一行动号召立即做出了回应

JL:那条信息真的很吸引我。

BS:是的。

JL:这是
一种社会福音信息。

BS:是的。

JL:我想尽我
所能让事情变得更好

,因为当你
看到不正确、不公平或不公正的

事情时,你必须说点什么。

你必须做点什么。

这就像在你的骨头里燃烧的火

,你不能沉默。

BS:没错。

JL:我妈妈会对我说:
“孩子,别惹麻烦。

别惹麻烦。

你可能会受伤,也可能会被杀。”

King 博士和 Rosa Parks 以及 E.D.

我当时读到的尼克松和其他人

后来遇到的,

启发我去解决
我所谓的“好麻烦”,

必要的麻烦。 从那以后

我就遇到
了麻烦

——静坐、自由骑行……

BS:你去了纳什维尔


开始学习非暴力。

什么时候非暴力
成为你的世界观

、神学和
你想要创造的行动主义的重要组成部分?

JL:长大后,我想成为一名牧师。

我觉得金博士
在他的演讲中所说的

与耶稣的教导是一致的。

所以我欣然接受了这个想法——

BS:是的。 是的。

JL: …非暴力,非暴力的哲学
和纪律。

我们被教导要尊重

每个人的尊严和价值,

永不放弃任何人;

试着以善意

、希望、信念和爱来接触他们。

所以你可以打我,
你可以逮捕我,把我扔进监狱,

但我不会参与暴力。

我会尊重你作为一个人。

BS:我想知道
这是否让你

有勇气忍受这种残酷。

因为很多人都在
谈论非暴力。

他们谈论爱的神学。

但是当你在

阿拉巴马州安尼斯顿

或阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的公共汽车上时,就像你一样,被

暴徒包围,被仇恨

包围,被你认识
的准备做暴力事情的人包围,

这是一个 不同的动态。

JL:是的。 我接受了。

金博士教我们去爱。

爱每个人

而不是仇恨,

这符合我的基督教信仰,因为仇恨
太重了,无法承受。

BS:但看起来
你也很有战略眼光。

你们都想了很多关于
何时何地去某个地方的问题。

不仅仅是,“哦,这是
一个机会,让我们去做吧

。JL:我们只是没有一天跳起来
决定去塞尔玛。

我们检查了地方。

只要
有可能 领导力

,创建一个病毒式组织,

无论你是否有学生,

准备出去工作和组织的人。

这就是我们所做的。

我们尽一切

努力引起人们

对这种对人们不利的情况的关注,

并且 然后我们可以组织人。在这些社区和社区

里有宗教领袖、

教师、律师和其他人

通过培训

和接受非暴力,

将哲学作为一种生活方式,

作为一种生活方式

,你会成为

BS:

要准备好在
那些压力很大的情况下

并保持
对非暴力的承诺,需要进行大量严格的培训,

而且我认为人们不会欣赏人们为此

付出了多少努力

JL:嗯, 这是我们必须的
东西 我承诺,

有机会经历角色扮演,

社交剧,

假装你在殴打某人

或将某人击倒,

有人在你脸上吹烟

并骂你各种名字,

训练人们如何自律

和不放弃 .

1961 年 5 月

,我 21 岁

,第一次离开华盛顿特区

参加自由骑行——

我以为我们会死。

事实上,

我以为我看到了死亡,

但我相信全能的上帝
把我留在这里是有原因的。

BS:这是一个强有力的见证,

你的照片
,你的头是血淋淋的,

这种愿意
回到公共汽车上再做一次的意愿。

他们
在一些静坐后采访了你

,你谈论它的方式让我感兴趣的

是你非常清楚。

你说,我们不只是想
为纳什维尔的黑人做这件事。

我们试图为每个人做这件事,

因为他们可能还没有意识到,
但他们所做的是错误的

,我不会是
我声称的基督徒,

我不会是那个
好人 我声称是,

如果我不尝试帮助他们

克服他们正在做的错误事情。

我认为人们想要救赎。

我们的信仰传统,

我们了解救赎的力量。

我们宣讲它

,我们
明白必须认罪

,必须悔改。

但总的来说,作为一个社会,
我们在这个国家并没有真正接受这

一点。

我们真的不想承认
奴隶制的遗产

以及私刑和种族隔离的历史

人们想跳过道歉部分

,你仍然会看到这些联邦旗帜
和这些抵抗的象征。

在我看来,
现在如此紧迫的部分原因

是我们让
人们有勇气说,

“你知道,这是错误的
,我们必须拒绝它。”

但你
已经以我认为

非同寻常的方式看到了救赎。

JL:几年前,在南卡罗来纳州罗克希尔的

一个小镇上,一个殴打我并殴打我同座的三K党成员

让我们躺在血泊中……

许多年后,

一个 Klan 的成员

和他的儿子

来到我在华盛顿的办公室

,他说:“我一直
是 Klan 的成员。


是殴打你并让你流血的人之一。

我想道歉。”

他的儿子开始哭,
然后他开始哭。

他带着儿子过来拥抱我。

我把他们抱回去

,我又看到了这位先生
三次。

这是爱的力量,宽恕的力量

,承认它并说,
“我变了”,然后继续前进。

BS:在我看来
,如果我们可以向人们展示

,在忏悔

的另一面,在忏悔
的另一面,在承认的另一面,

有一些美好的东西,

就像你
在那个 Klan 成员身上所经历的那样,

那么也许 他们会找到

勇气站起来谈论
这些事情的不法性。

我一直很好奇

你会如何谈论你

从与
罗莎帕克斯和金博士一起学到的

东西,他们教给你的
东西,他们留给你的

东西让你
能够完成你所做的工作。

JL:
这些人有一些东西,

他们接触我,他们接触我。

如果不是 E.D. 尼克松

或罗莎·帕克斯、小

马丁·路德·金、

拉尔夫·阿伯纳西牧师

和许多其他人,

我不知道我
会发生什么。

我可能已经迷路了。

但是小马丁路德金要……

给我寄了一张往返的
灰狗巴士票,

并邀请我
去蒙哥马利见他,

我的第一座浸信会教堂——

对于一个赤脚赤脚的可怜男孩

来说,这是不可能的,不可能的梦想 有一天,

他会遇到小马丁路德金。

我记得很清楚他说:

“你是特洛伊的男孩吗?

你是约翰刘易斯吗?”

我说,

“金博士,我是约翰·罗伯特·刘易斯。”

他称我为“来自特洛伊的男孩”。

“特洛伊的那个男孩怎么样了?”

有时,他会说,

“约翰,你还在讲道吗?”

我会说,

“是的,金博士,我
洗澡的时候没人能听到我的声音。”

BS:(笑)

JL:他会笑。

我想当他被暗杀,

当他

死去的时候,我们所有人都死了。

如果他还活着——
他是一个非常年轻的人——

也许我们的国家会变得更好

,国际社会
也会变得更好。

BS:我们早些时候
谈到了那些关键时刻,

1964 年,

民权法案的通过,1965 年的投票权法案

,似乎我们的重点是
结束侵犯权利的行为,

而不是纠正
这种长期的侵犯历史

以及修复
所有已经造成的损害需要什么。

今天我在想

,除了不再
否认黑人的投票权之外,

也许这些州

应该做一些补偿性的事情,
应该做一些补救性的事情。

他们应该说,“你知道吗,

我们将自动
登记每个黑人投票。”

JL:投票是我们在民主社会中拥有的最强大的
非暴力工具或工具

,我们必须

让人们轻松简单地使用它。

献出生命的人——

BS:是的。

JL: …那些
遭受殴打和痛苦的人,

所以我们
有权知道我们吃的食物里有什么——

BS: 是的。

JL: …我们喝的水
或呼吸的空气中有什么。

BS:你是
1963 年华盛顿游行中最年轻的演讲者

,你非常雄辩

,非常引人注目。

JL:我曾

学生非暴力
协调委员会的一些工作人员一起完成演讲,

但我

决心激励年轻人,

另一代人。

当我向外望去
,看到那片人海时,

我对自己说:“就是这样。

我必须前进。”

我告诉你

,我们一起努力,
我们所有人,都非常

努力地在
那天在购物中心听到主的呼喊。

但事情进展得如此顺利

,游行结束后,总统肯尼迪总统

邀请我们到白宫

,他站在
椭圆形办公室的门口迎接我们

,像一个骄傲的父亲一样喜笑颜开

,他不停地对每个人说 我们中的一个人,
“你做得很好。你做得很好。”

当他找到金博士时,他说:
“你做得很好

,你有一个梦想。”

那是我最后一次
见到肯尼迪总统。

BS:哇。

JL:我很欣赏他。

BS:是的。

JL: 这个人有一些
东西非常鼓舞人心。

BS:是的。 是的。

你谈到了他和罗伯特肯尼迪
如何影响政治。

我知道你在 70 年代第一次跑步,

然后在 80 年代再次跑步。

我很好奇——是什么促使你
做出这种转变?

JL:我在政治上看到你可以
成为一股永远的力量。

所以我有动力去竞选公职

,人们开始鼓励我,
“你应该竞选一些东西。”

而我做了一个决定。

我不认为我改变了那么多。

我想我是同一个理智的人。

BS:(笑)

我说了我想说的话

,而且在大多数情况下,
我做我想做的事。

我认为你必须成为一股永远的力量——

BS:是的。 是的。

JL: …激励人们
,鼓励人们。

BS:当你组织
围绕枪支暴力的抗议活动时

,我非常感动,我想知道你认为
我们应该如何教导人们

充满希望的意义。

您如何看待

与您在国会的同事
和另一代领导人的沟通?

JL:你可能会摔倒,
你可能会被击倒,

但你会站起来。

你继续前进,你继续前进。


是民权运动的一部分

,新的一天,更好的一天即将到来,

但我们必须帮助那一天的到来。

我们不能安静,

不能安静。

我们必须

致力于创造一条万无一失的出路。

BS:您
认为我们已经放弃

了哪些策略需要重新采取措施

来应对
我们今天正在研究的问题?

JL:我认为我们已经放弃了太多的战术

和技术

,我们需要回去学习

这些技术和战术

并使用它们。

我们需要教导人们,

尤其是我们的年轻人。

我们与小学生
、高中生

和大学生交谈,

以学习接受非暴力的哲学

和纪律,

以及如何参与非暴力的直接行动。

我们现在比以往任何时候都更需要它。

BS:我认为你已经将

这种激进主义
精神、这种战略性抗议精神、

甚至
偶尔进行破坏的意愿带入了我们的政治文化。 当你觉得这些选举的合法性存在问题时,

你还没有参加
所有总统的就职典礼

,我看到新一代的政治家

似乎接受了这方面的某些方面

,我想知道是否 你认为

你所做的那种建模

将成为
你作为政治家对你很重要的遗产的一部分

JL: I’ve been so impressed

with this new breed
of young men and young women

that are coming into elected positions.

不仅在国家层面
,在地方层面也是如此。

而且我认为,我们现在比以往任何时候都更

需要有良心的男女

法官,

尤其是在联邦一级,

而且在州和地方一级,

要说,“我们必须修补。

我们已经 弥补。”

BS:是的。

JL: 人们没有
100 年的时间来弥补。

我们需要做,现在就做。

BS:你已经成为
对世界产生如此影响的人。

当人们在
50 年后、100 年后谈论你时,

你想让他们说什么?

你想被
怎么想,你想被怎么谈论?

JL:我的希望——我想
我不会有太多话要说,

但它会是:

他试图创造一个更美好的社会,

一个更美好的世界,

帮助解放和解放人们,

帮助拯救人们

和移动 人们对人性有不同的
和更好的感觉。

BS:我见过和你一起工作的人。

有很多人的名字
从未真正被人知道,

但我时不时会遇到他们,
因为我要住在阿拉巴马州。

我谈到了我
遇到的一个在教堂里的人。

我正在演讲
,他在后面。

他坐在轮椅上,


我做这个演讲的整个过程中

,他一直盯着我看,脸上带着这种严厉,
几乎是愤怒的表情。

当我结束我的演讲时,
人们上来了。

他们非常友善和恰当,

但那个
坐在轮椅上的年长黑人一直盯着看。

然后他终于
把自己推到了前面

,当他走到我面前时,他说,
“你知道你在做什么吗?”

而我只是站在那里。

然后他又问我,
“你知道你在做什么吗?”

我咕哝了几句。
我什至不记得我说了什么。

他最后一次问我,
“你知道你在做什么吗?

因为我要告诉
你你在做什么。”

他说:“你在
为正义敲鼓。

你一直在为正义敲鼓。”

我很感动。

我也松了口气,

因为我只是不
知道接下来会发生什么。

但随后他说:“过来,
过来,过来。”

他拉着我的夹克
,把我拉到靠近他的地方

,他转过头说,

“你看到
我右耳后面的这个伤疤了吗?

我在阿拉巴马州格林县得到那个伤疤
,1963 年,

与 CT Vivian 合作。”

JL:是的,格林县。

BS:然后他转过头来。

他说:“你看到这里被削减了吗?

我在密西西比州的费城

试图登记人们投票。”

然后他说:“你看到这个瘀伤了吗?
那是我的狗斑。

我在 1965 年儿童十字军东征期间在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰得到了它
。”

然后他说,“人们看着我,
他们认为我是一个

满身是伤、瘀伤和伤疤的老人,
但我要告诉你一件事。

这些不是我的伤口。

这些不是我的瘀伤。
这些 不是我的伤疤。”

他说:“这些是我的荣誉勋章。”

而我坐在这里,坐在你旁边

,我仍然看到伤痕

,我知道有瘀伤

,我知道有伤口

,但你仍然在谈论
爱和救赎,正义

和鼓舞人心的人 像我这样的。

我只是想让你知道,
我不认为美国人的生活

比你更光荣,

更能代表
这个国家的伟大价值观

,更能代表这个国家的希望

,我无法告诉你
有多激动 我很荣幸

能有这个机会
并有这个机会分享

,我想让你知道

我会继续战斗。

我们中的很多人将继续战斗,

而你让我们
相信,在正义到来之前,我们不能休息。

我希望你为此感谢你。

JL:祝你好运。

BS:当然,我的朋友。
绝对地。 祝福你。

JL:好的。 祝福你,兄弟。

BS:谢谢。 谢谢你。

[国会议员约翰·刘易斯
1940 年 2 月 21 日 - 2020 年 7 月 17 日]

[安息吧]