The crime of living while Black Baratunde Thurston

It’s December 2018.

I’m with my fiance in the suburbs of Wisconsin.

We’re visiting her parents, both of whom are
white,

which makes her white.

That’s how it works.

I don’t make the rules.

And we get pulled over by the police.

I’m scared.

I pull over slowly under the brightest street
light I can find

in case I need witnesses or dashcam footage.

We get out my identification, the car registration,

lay it out in the open, roll down the windows.

My hands are placed on the steering wheel,

all before the officer exits the vehicle.

This is how to stay alive.

As we wait, I think about these headlines.

“Police Shoot Another Unarmed Black Person.”

The good news is our officer was friendly.

She told us our tags were expired,

so to all the white parents out there,

if your child is involved with a person whose
skin tone is rated

Dwayne-The-Rock-Johnson or darker,

you need to get that car inspected,

update the paperwork every time we visit —

that’s just common courtesy.

I survived something that should not require
survival,

and I think about this series of stories —

“Police Shoot Another Unarmed Black Person”

and that season when those stories popped
up everywhere.

In 2018, those stories got changed out for
a different type of story.

Stories like, “White Woman Calls Cops on Black
Woman Waiting for an Uber.”

“White Woman Calls Police On Eight-Year-Old
Black Girl Selling Water.”

“Woman Calls Police On Black Family BBQing
At Lake in Oakland.”

That was the now-infamous #BBQBecky.

A subject takes an action against the target
engaged in some activity.

“California Safeway Calls Cops On Black Woman
Donating Food To The Homeless.”

“Golf Club Twice Calls Cops On Black Women
For Playing Too Slow.”

In all these cases, the subject is usually
white.

The target is usually black, and the activities
are anything

from sitting in a Starbucks,

to using the wrong type of barbecue, to napping,

to walking agitated on the way to work,

which I just call walking to work.

Now, this is the obligatory moment in the
presentation

where I have to say not everything is about
race.

Crime is a thing — should be reported.

But ask yourself, do we need armed men

to show up and resolve this situation?

Because when they show up for me, it’s different.

We know that police officers use force more
with black people

than with white people,

and we are learning the role of 911 calls
in this,

which forces me and people like me to police
ourselves.

We maybe pull over to the side of the road

under the brightest light we can find so that
our murder

might be caught cleanly on camera.

And we do this because we live in a system
in which white people

can too easily call on deadly force to ensure
their comfort.

This is weaponized discomfort, and it is not
new.

From 1877 to 1950 there were at least 4,400
documented

racial terror lynchings of black people in
the United States.

They had headlines as well.

Reverend T.A. Allen was lynched in Hernando,
Mississippi,

for organizing local sharecroppers.

Oliver Moore was lynched in Edgecomb County,
North Carolina,

for frightening a white girl.

Nathan Bird was lynched near Luling, Texas,

for refusing to turn his son over to a mob.

We need to change the action, whether that
action is “lynches”

or “calls police.”

I’m asking people here to see the structure,

where the power is in it, and even more importantly,

to see the humanity of those of us made targets
by this structure.

I am tired of carrying this invisible burden
of other people’s fears.

And many of us are, and we shouldn’t have
to,

because we can change this.

Because we can change the action,

which changes the story, which changes the
system

that allows those stories to happen.

Systems are just collective stories we all
buy into.

When we change them, we write a better reality
for us all to be a part of.

现在是 2018 年 12 月。

我和未婚夫在威斯康星州郊区。

我们正在拜访她的父母,他们都是
白人,

这使她变得白人。

这就是它的工作原理。

我不制定规则。

我们被警察拦住了。

我很害怕。

我在我能找到的最亮的路灯下慢慢

停车,以防我需要目击者或行车记录仪镜头。

我们拿出我的身份证和车牌,

把它摆在外面,摇下车窗。 在警官下车之前

,我的手都放在了方向盘上

这就是活下去的方法。

在我们等待的时候,我想到了这些头条新闻。

“警察射杀了另一个手无寸铁的黑人。”

好消息是我们的官员很友好。

她告诉我们我们的标签已过期,

所以对于所有的白人父母,

如果您的孩子与
肤色被评为

Dwayne-The-Rock-Johnson 或更深的人有牵连,

您需要检查那辆车,

更新 每次我们访问时的文书工作 -

这只是常见的礼貌。

我在不应该生存的事情中幸存下来

,我想到了这一系列故事——

“警察射杀另一个手无寸铁的黑人”
——

以及那些故事无处不在的那个季节

在 2018 年,这些故事被换成
了不同类型的故事。

诸如“白人妇女在等待优步的黑人妇女时报警”之类
的故事。

“白人妇女因 8 岁
黑人女孩卖水而报警。”

“女人在奥克兰湖边的黑人家庭烧烤时报警
。”

那就是现在臭名昭著的#BBQBecky。

主体对从事某些活动的目标采取行动

“加利福尼亚西夫韦呼吁警察对黑人妇女
向无家可归者捐赠食物。”

“高尔夫俱乐部两次就黑人
女性打得太慢而报警。”

在所有这些情况下,主体通常是
白色的。

目标通常是黑人,活动范围
很广,

从坐在星巴克,

到使用错误类型的烧烤,到打盹,

到上班路上焦躁不安的走路

,我称之为步行上班。

现在,这是演讲中必不可少的时刻

,我不得不说并非一切都与
种族有关。

犯罪是一回事——应该报告。

但是问问自己,我们是否需要武装

人员出现并解决这种情况?

因为当他们出现在我面前时,情况就不同了。

我们知道警察对黑人使用武力的次数多于对白人使用武力

,我们正在学习 911 电话在这方面的作用

这迫使我和像我这样的人
自律。

我们可能会在

我们能找到的最亮的灯光下把车停在路边,这样
我们的谋杀案

就可以被摄像机清晰地捕捉到。

我们这样做是因为我们生活在
一个白人

很容易使用致命武力来确保
他们舒适的系统中。

这是武器化的不适,它并不
新鲜。

从 1877 年到 1950 年,美国至少记录了 4,400 起

针对黑人的种族恐怖私刑

他们也有头条新闻。

牧师 T.A. 艾伦因组织当地佃农而在密西西比州埃尔南多被处以私刑

奥利弗·摩尔在北卡罗来纳州埃奇科姆县被处以私刑

因为他吓坏了一名白人女孩。

内森·伯德因拒绝将儿子交给暴徒而在德克萨斯州鹿岭附近被处以私刑

我们需要改变行动,无论
行动是“私刑”

还是“报警”。

我要在这里的人们看到这个结构,

它的力量在哪里,更重要的是

,看到我们这些人的人性成为
这个结构的目标。

我厌倦了背负
别人恐惧的这种无形的负担。

我们中的许多人都是,而且我们不应该这样
做,

因为我们可以改变这一点。

因为我们可以改变动作

,改变故事,改变

允许这些故事发生的系统。

系统只是我们都
相信的集体故事。

当我们改变它们时,我们
为我们所有人写了一个更好的现实。