How to revive your belief in democracy Eric Liu

I bring you greetings

from the 52nd-freest nation on earth.

As an American, it irritates me
that my nation keeps sinking

in the annual rankings
published by Freedom House.

I’m the son of immigrants.

My parents were born in China
during war and revolution,

went to Taiwan and then came
to the United States,

which means all my life,

I’ve been acutely aware just how fragile
an inheritance freedom truly is.

That’s why I spend my time teaching,
preaching and practicing democracy.

I have no illusions.

All around the world now,

people are doubting
whether democracy can deliver.

Autocrats and demagogues seem emboldened,

even cocky.

The free world feels leaderless.

And yet, I remain hopeful.

I don’t mean optimistic.

Optimism is for spectators.

Hope implies agency.

It says I have a hand in the outcome.

Democratic hope requires faith

not in a strongman or a charismatic savior

but in each other,

and it forces us to ask:
How can we become worthy of such faith?

I believe we are at a moment
of moral awakening,

the kind that comes
when old certainties collapse.

At the heart of that awakening
is what I call “civic religion.”

And today, I want to talk about
what civic religion is,

how we practice it,

and why it matters now more than ever.

Let me start with the what.

I define civic religion as a system
of shared beliefs and collective practices

by which the members
of a self-governing community

choose to live like citizens.

Now, when I say “citizen” here,
I’m not referring to papers or passports.

I’m talking about a deeper,
broader, ethical conception

of being a contributor to community,
a member of the body.

To speak of civic religion as religion
is not poetic license.

That’s because democracy

is one of the most faith-fueled
human activities there is.

Democracy works only when enough of us
believe democracy works.

It is at once a gamble and a miracle.

Its legitimacy comes not from
the outer frame of constitutional rules,

but from the inner workings
of civic spirit.

Civic religion, like any religion,

contains a sacred creed,
sacred deeds and sacred rituals.

My creed includes words like
“equal protection of the laws”

and “we the people.”

My roll call of hallowed deeds
includes abolition, women’s suffrage,

the civil rights movement,

the Allied landing at Normandy,

the fall of the Berlin Wall.

And I have a new civic ritual
that I’ll tell you about in a moment.

Wherever on earth you’re from,

you can find or make
your own set of creed, deed and ritual.

The practice of civic religion
is not about worship of the state

or obedience to a ruling party.

It is about commitment to one another

and our common ideals.

And the sacredness of civic religion
is not about divinity or the supernatural.

It is about a group of unlike people

speaking into being our alikeness,

our groupness.

Perhaps now you’re getting
a little worried

that I’m trying to sell you on a cult.

Relax, I’m not.

I don’t need to sell you.

As a human, you are always
in the market for a cult,

for some variety of religious experience.

We are wired to seek
cosmological explanations,

to sacralize beliefs
that unite us in transcendent purpose.

Humans make religion
because humans make groups.

The only choice we have is whether
to activate that groupness for good.

If you are a devout person, you know this.

If you are not,

if you no longer go to prayer services

or never did,

then perhaps you’ll say
that yoga is your religion,

or Premier League football,

or knitting, or coding or TED Talks.

But whether you believe in a God
or in the absence of gods,

civic religion does not require you
to renounce your beliefs.

It requires you only
to show up as a citizen.

And that brings me to my second topic:

how we can practice
civic religion productively.

Let me tell you now
about that new civic ritual.

It’s called “Civic Saturday,”

and it follows the arc
of a faith gathering.

We sing together,

we turn to the strangers next to us
to discuss a common question,

we hear poetry and scripture,

there’s a sermon that ties those texts

to the ethical choices
and controversies of our time,

but the song and scripture and the sermon

are not from church
or synagogue or mosque.

They are civic,

drawn from our shared civic ideals

and a shared history of claiming
and contesting those ideals.

Afterwards, we form up in circles
to organize rallies, register voters,

join new clubs, make new friends.

My colleagues and I
started organizing Civic Saturdays

in Seattle in 2016.

Since then, they have spread
across the continent.

Sometimes hundreds attend,
sometimes dozens.

They happen in libraries
and community centers

and coworking spaces,

under festive tents
and inside great halls.

There’s nothing high-tech
about this social technology.

It speaks to a basic human yearning
for face-to-face fellowship.

It draws young and old, left and right,

poor and rich, churched and unchurched,

of all races.

When you come to a Civic Saturday
and are invited to discuss a question

like “Who are you responsible for?”

or “What are you willing to risk
or to give up for your community?”

When that happens, something moves.

You are moved.

You start telling your story.

We start actually seeing one another.

You realize that homelessness,
gun violence, gentrification,

terrible traffic, mistrust
of newcomers, fake news –

these things
aren’t someone else’s problem,

they are the aggregation
of your own habits and omissions.

Society becomes how you behave.

We are never asked to reflect
on the content of our citizenship.

Most of us are never invited
to do more or to be more,

and most of us have no idea
how much we crave that invitation.

We’ve since created a civic seminary

to start training people from all over
to lead Civic Saturday gatherings

on their own, in their own towns.

In the community of Athens, Tennessee,

a feisty leader named Whitney Kimball Coe

leads hers in an art and framing shop

with a youth choir
and lots of little flags.

A young activist named Berto Aguayo

led his Civic Saturday on a street corner

in the Back of the Yards
neighborhood of Chicago.

Berto was once involved with gangs.

Now, he’s keeping the peace

and organizing political campaigns.

In Honolulu, Rafael Bergstrom,

a former pro baseball player
turned photographer and conservationist,

leads his under the banner
“Civics IS Sexy.”

It is.

(Laughter)

Sometimes I’m asked,
even by our seminarians:

“Isn’t it dangerous
to use religious language?

Won’t that just make our politics
even more dogmatic and self-righteous?”

But this view assumes that all religion
is fanatical fundamentalism.

It is not.

Religion is also moral discernment,

an embrace of doubt,

a commitment to detach from self
and serve others,

a challenge to repair the world.

In this sense, politics could stand
to be a little more like religion,

not less.

Thus, my final topic today:

why civic religion matters now.

I want to offer two reasons.

One is to counter the culture
of hyperindividualism.

Every message we get
from every screen and surface

of the modern marketplace

is that each of us is on our own,

a free agent,

free to manage our own brands,

free to live under bridges,

free to have side hustles,

free to die alone without insurance.

Market liberalism tells us
we are masters beholden to none,

but then it enslaves us

in the awful isolation
of consumerism and status anxiety.

(Audience) Yeah!

Millions of us are on to the con now.

We are realizing now

that a free-for-all is not the same
as freedom for all.

(Applause)

What truly makes us free
is being bound to others

in mutual aid and obligation,

having to work things out the best we can
in our neighborhoods and towns,

as if our fates were entwined –

because they are –

as if we could not secede
from one another,

because, in the end, we cannot.

Binding ourselves this way
actually liberates us.

It reveals that we are equal in dignity.

It reminds us that rights
come with responsibilities.

It reminds us, in fact,

that rights properly understood
are responsibilities.

The second reason
why civic religion matters now

is that it offers the healthiest
possible story of us and them.

We talk about identity politics today
as if it were something new,

but it’s not.

All politics is identity politics,

a never-ending struggle
to define who truly belongs.

Instead of noxious myths of blood and soil
that mark some as forever outsiders,

civic religion offers everyone
a path to belonging

based only a universal creed
of contribution, participation,

inclusion.

In civic religion, the “us”
is those who wish to serve,

volunteer, vote, listen, learn,
empathize, argue better,

circulate power rather than hoard it.

The “them” is those who don’t.

It is possible to judge the them harshly,

but it isn’t necessary,

for at any time, one of them
can become one of us,

simply by choosing to live like a citizen.

So let’s welcome them in.

Whitney and Berto and Rafael
are gifted welcomers.

Each has a distinctive, locally rooted way

to make faith in democracy
relatable to others.

Their slang might be Appalachian
or South Side or Hawaiian.

Their message is the same:

civic love, civic spirit,
civic responsibility.

Now you might think
that all this civic religion stuff

is just for overzealous
second-generation Americans like me.

But actually, it is for anyone, anywhere,

who wants to kindle the bonds of trust,

affection and joint action

needed to govern ourselves in freedom.

Now maybe Civic Saturdays aren’t for you.

That’s OK.

Find your own ways to foster
civic habits of the heart.

Many forms of beloved
civic community are thriving now,

in this age of awakening.

Groups like Community Organizing Japan,

which uses creative performative
rituals of storytelling

to promote equality for women.

In Iceland, civil confirmations,

where young people are led by an elder

to learn the history
and civic traditions of their society,

culminating in a rite-of-passage ceremony

akin to church confirmation.

Ben Franklin Circles in the United States,

where friends meet monthly

to discuss and reflect upon the virtues
that Franklin codified

in his autobiography,

like justice and gratitude
and forgiveness.

I know civic religion is not enough

to remedy the radical
inequities of our age.

We need power for that.

But power without character
is a cure worse than the disease.

I know civic religion alone
can’t fix corrupt institutions,

but institutional reforms
without new norms will not last.

Culture is upstream of law.

Spirit is upstream of policy.

The soul is upstream of the state.

We cannot unpollute our politics
if we clean only downstream.

We must get to the source.

The source is our values,

and on the topic of values,
my advice is simple: have some.

(Laughter)

(Applause)

Make sure those values are prosocial.

Put them into practice,

and do so in the company of others,

with a structure of creed,
deed and joyful ritual

that’ll keep all of you coming back.

Those of us who believe in democracy
and believe it is still possible,

we have the burden of proving it.

But remember, it is no burden at all

to be in a community
where you are seen as fully human,

where you have a say
in the things that affect you,

where you don’t need
to be connected to be respected.

That is called a blessing,

and it is available to all who believe.

Thank you.

(Applause)

我带给你

来自地球上第 52 个最自由的国家的问候。

作为一个美国人,
我的国家


自由之家发布的年度排名中不断下滑,这让我很恼火。

我是移民的儿子。

我的父母
在战争和革命期间出生在中国,

去了台湾,然后
来到了美国

,这意味着我一生

都敏锐地意识到,
真正的继承自由是多么脆弱。

这就是为什么我花时间教授、
宣讲和实践民主。

我没有任何幻想。

现在全世界,

人们都在
怀疑民主能否实现。

独裁者和煽动者似乎胆大妄为,

甚至自大。

自由世界感觉没有领导。

然而,我仍然充满希望。

我不是说乐观。

乐观是给观众的。

希望意味着代理。

它说我对结果有影响。

民主希望需要的

不是对强人或有魅力的救世主的信仰,

而是对彼此的信仰

,它迫使我们问:
我们如何才能配得上这样的信仰?

我相信我们正
处于道德觉醒的时刻,

即旧的确定性崩溃的时刻。

这种觉醒的核心
是我所说的“公民宗教”。

今天,我想谈谈
什么是公民宗教,

我们如何实践它,

以及为什么它现在比以往任何时候都重要。

让我从什么开始。

我将公民宗教定义为
一种共享信仰和集体实践的系统,自治社区

的成员通过该系统

选择像公民一样生活。

现在,当我在这里说“公民”时,
我指的不是文件或护照。

我说的是一个更深入、
更广泛、道德的概念

,即成为社区的贡献者、
身体的一员。

把公民宗教说成是
宗教并不是诗意的许可。

那是因为民主

是最受信仰推动的
人类活动之一。

只有当我们足够多的人相信民主有效时,民主才会
有效。

这既是一场赌博,也是一个奇迹。

它的合法性不是来自
宪法规则的外在框架,

而是来自
公民精神的内在运作。

公民宗教与任何宗教一样,

包含着神圣的信条、
神圣的行为和神圣的仪式。

我的信条包括诸如
“平等保护法律”

和“我们人民”之类的词。

我点名的神圣事迹
包括废除死刑、妇女选举权

、民权运动

、盟军在诺曼底登陆、

柏林墙倒塌。

我有一个新的公民仪式
,稍后我会告诉你。

无论您来自地球上的哪个地方,

您都可以找到或制定
自己的一套信条、行为和仪式。

公民宗教的实践
与崇拜国家

或服从执政党无关。

这是关于对彼此

和我们共同理想的承诺。

公民宗教的神圣
性与神性或超自然无关。

它是关于一群不同的人

谈论成为我们的相似之处,

我们的群体性。

也许现在你
有点

担心我想把你卖给一个邪教。

放心,我不是。

我不需要卖给你。

作为一个人,你总是
在市场上寻找一个邪教,

为了某种宗教体验。

我们渴望寻求
宇宙论的解释,


那些将我们团结在超然目的中的信念神圣化。

人类创造宗教
是因为人类创造了群体。

我们唯一的选择是是否
永远激活这种群体性。

如果你是一个虔诚的人,你就会知道这一点。

如果你不是,

如果你不再参加祈祷仪式

或从未参加过,

那么也许你会
说瑜伽是你的宗教,

或者英超联赛,

或者针织,或者编码或 TED 演讲。

但是,无论你相信有神
还是没有神,

公民宗教都不要求
你放弃你的信仰。

它只要求您
以公民身份出现。

这就引出了我的第二个话题:

我们如何有效地实践
公民宗教。

现在让我告诉你
关于新的公民仪式。

它被称为“公民星期六”

,它遵循
信仰聚会的弧线。

我们一起唱歌,

我们转向我们旁边的陌生人
讨论一个共同的问题,

我们听到诗歌和经文,

有一篇讲道将这些文本

与我们这个时代的道德选择和争议联系起来,

但歌曲、经文和讲道

是 不是来自教堂
、犹太教堂或清真寺。

它们是公民的,

源于我们共同的公民理想

以及主张
和反对这些理想的共同历史。

之后,我们
围成一圈组织集会,登记选民,

加入新俱乐部,结交新朋友。

我和我的同事

于 2016 年开始在西雅图组织公民星期六。

从那时起,它们已经遍布
整个大陆。

有时数百人参加,
有时数十人参加。

它们发生在图书馆
、社区中心

和联合办公空间

、节日帐篷下
和大厅内。

这种社交技术没有什么高科技。

它说明了人类对面对面团契的基本渴望

它吸引了所有种族的年轻人和老年人、左派和右派、

穷人和富人、教会和非教会

当您参加公民星期六
并被邀请讨论

诸如“您对谁负责?”之类的问题时

或“你愿意
为你的社区冒险或放弃什么?”

当这种情况发生时,有些东西会移动。

你被感动了。

你开始讲述你的故事。

我们开始真正地看到彼此。

你意识到无家可归、
枪支暴力、高档化、

可怕的交通、
对新人的不信任、假新闻——

这些不是别人的问题,

它们
是你自己的习惯和疏忽的集合。

社会变成了你的行为方式。

我们从未被要求
反思我们公民身份的内容。

我们大多数人从来没有被
邀请做更多或更多,

而且我们大多数人都不知道
我们多么渴望这个邀请。

从那以后,我们创建了一个公民神学院

,开始培训来自世界各地的人们

在他们自己的城镇自行领导公民周六聚会。

在田纳西州的雅典社区,

一位名叫 Whitney Kimball Coe 的好斗的领袖

带领她的领导者走进一家艺术和框架店

,那里有一个青年合唱团
和许多小旗帜。

一位名叫 Berto Aguayo 的年轻活动家在芝加哥后院街区的

一个街角带领他的公民星期六

Berto 曾经参与过帮派活动。

现在,他正在维护和平

并组织政治运动。

在檀香山,前职业棒球运动员拉斐尔·伯格斯特伦(Rafael Bergstrom)

成为摄影师和环保主义者,


“公民是性感的”旗帜下领导他的活动。

它是。

(笑声)

有时,
甚至我们的神学院学生也会问我:


使用宗教语言不是很危险吗?那

不是只会让我们的政治
更加教条和自以为是吗?”

但这种观点假定所有宗教
都是狂热的原教旨主义。

它不是。

宗教也是道德洞察力,

是对怀疑的拥抱,

是脱离自我
并为他人服务的承诺,

是修复世界的挑战。

从这个意义上说,政治
可以更像宗教,

而不是更少。

因此,我今天的最后一个主题是:

为什么公民宗教现在很重要。

我想提供两个理由。

一是反对
过度个人主义的文化。

我们
从现代市场的每一个屏幕和表面得到的每一条信息

都是我们每个人都是独立的,

一个自由的代理人,

自由管理我们自己的品牌,

自由地生活在桥下,

自由地从事副业,

自由地独自死去 没有保险。

市场自由主义告诉我们,
我们是

不受约束的主人,但它却使我们

陷入了
消费主义和地位焦虑的可怕孤立之中。

(观众)是啊!

我们现在有数以百万计的人在骗局。

我们现在

意识到,所有人的自由并不
等同于所有人的自由。

(掌声

)真正让我们自由的

在互助和义务中

与他人绑定,必须
在我们的社区和城镇中尽我们所能解决问题,

就好像我们的命运是交织在一起的——

因为它们是——

就好像我们 不能
彼此分离,

因为最终我们不能。

以这种方式束缚自己
实际上使我们解放了。

它表明我们在尊严上是平等的。

它提醒我们,权利
伴随着责任。

事实上,它提醒我们,

正确理解的权利
就是责任。

公民宗教现在重要的第二个原因

是它提供
了我们和他们最健康的故事。

我们今天谈论身份政治
,好像它是新事物,

但事实并非如此。

所有的政治都是身份政治,

是一场
定义谁真正属于自己的永无止境的斗争。


将某些人标记为永远的局外人的血腥和土壤的有害神话不同,

公民宗教为每个人提供
了一条

仅基于
贡献、参与和

包容的普遍信条的归属之路。

在公民宗教中,“我们”
是那些希望服务、

志愿服务、投票、倾听、学习、
同情、更好地辩论、

传播权力而不是囤积权力的人。

“他们”是那些不这样做的人。

可以严厉地评判他们,

但没有必要,

因为在任何时候,他们中的一个人都
可以成为我们中的一员,

只要选择像公民一样生活。

所以让我们欢迎他们进来。

惠特尼、贝托和拉斐尔
都是有天赋的欢迎者。

每个人都有一种独特的、植根于当地的方式

来使对民主的
信仰与他人相关。

他们的俚语可能是阿巴拉契亚语
、南区语或夏威夷语。

他们传达的信息是相同的:

公民爱、公民精神、
公民责任。

现在你可能会
认为所有这些公民宗教的东西

只是为了
像我这样过分热心的第二代美国人。

但实际上,它适用于任何人、任何地方,只要

他们想点燃在自由中治理自己所需的信任、

感情和联合行动的纽带

现在也许公民星期六不适合你。

没关系。

找到自己的方法来培养
公民的内心习惯。 在这个觉醒的时代,

许多形式的受人喜爱的
公民社区现在正在蓬勃发展

像日本社区组织这样的团体,

它使用
讲故事的创造性表演仪式

来促进女性的平等。

在冰岛,公民确认

,年轻人在长老的带领

下学习
他们社会的历史和公民传统,

最终以

类似于教会确认的仪式仪式告终。

本·富兰克林在美国的圈子里,

朋友们

每月聚会讨论和反思
富兰克林

在他的自传中编纂的美德,

比如正义、感激
和宽恕。

我知道公民宗教

不足以弥补
我们这个时代的极端不平等。

为此,我们需要力量。

但是没有性格的权力
是比疾病更糟糕的治疗方法。

我知道仅靠公民宗教
无法修复腐败的制度,


没有新规范的制度改革不会持久。

文化在法律的上游。

精神在政策的上游。

灵魂在国家的上游。

如果我们只清洁下游,我们就无法净化我们的政治。

我们必须找到源头。

来源是我们的价值观

,关于价值观,
我的建议很简单:有一些。

(笑声)

(掌声

)确保这些价值观是亲社会的。

将它们付诸实践,

并在其他人的陪伴下这样做,

具有使你们所有人都回来的信条、
行为和快乐仪式的结构

我们这些相信民主
并相信它仍然是可能的人,

我们有责任证明它。

但是请记住,

在一个
你被视为完全人性的社区中,你

对影响你的事情有发言权

,你不需要
与他人建立联系来受到尊重,这根本不是负担。

这叫做祝福

,所有相信的人都可以得到。

谢谢你。

(掌声)