Why This Democracy

Transcriber: Giulia Sgarbossa
Reviewer: Amanda Zhu

Thank you very much for the warm welcome.

Listen, I’m worried about our democracy.

Nowadays, we have leaders who use
division itself as a political tool.

They downplay

or even encourage, in some cases,

a deadly assault to overturn an election.

And a bunch of them
are working really hard

to make it harder to vote.

The retreat from these
processes of democracy -

you know, ballot access
or legislative debate,

judicial review -

they are worrisome enough.

But what’s even more concerning to me

is the retreat from
the purposes of democracy:

these old-fashioned notions
of government of, by and for the people,

the rule of law as superior
to the rule of any one personality,

liberty and justice for all.

COVID made it harder
to overlook deep disparities among us

in health and wealth and education

and deep unfairness
in too much of our policing,

leaving a lot of Americans questioning

whether our national commitment
to social and economic justice is real.

For some time now,

in the words of one friend of mine,

the self-evident truth

that all people deserve life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness

seems a long way from settled
in the American mind.

So to me, American democracy,

the supposed model of the form,

is up for grabs.

I’m worried, not just as a lawyer
or a former public official,

but also and mainly as a patriot.

I grew up on the South Side of Chicago,
in a crowded two-bedroom tenement

with my mother, my sister, my grandparents
and various relatives who came and went.

I went to big, overcrowded,
under-resourced,

sometimes violent public schools.

And yet my grandmother
would never permit us to say we were poor.

“Just broke,” she’d say,

because broke is temporary.

Now, think about it, here is this refugee
from the Jim Crow South,

who still believed in an America

where with hard work,
preparation and faith -

both religious and civic -

you could lift yourself
from your circumstances of birth.

I am, for her, the result and the symbol
of her faith in America,

so you’d better believe I’m a patriot.

But patriotism for Black Americans

is tricky.

It’s tricky to love a country
that doesn’t always love you back.

I think of the Black men who set off
to fight for freedom in the World Wars

and then came home to be denied
those very freedoms,

some of them lynched
while wearing their military uniforms.

I think of the the Black laborers
who built great public universities

whose doors were closed to them,

the Black voters who elected
great public leaders

whose policies, like the GI Bill,
were closed to them.

For a lot of our history,

American democracy itself
has been closed to Black people.

Lots of grandmothers, like mine,
have grandsons and granddaughters

who never had their chance.

Still don’t.

I remember in college,
a white classmate asked me,

“Why on earth would you want to be Black?”

When I told her I hadn’t
considered the alternative

(Laughter)

and never would,

she seemed startled and confused.

I attribute this, in part, to the fact
that I spoke and dressed like a preppy,

I get that part.

But mostly, I think she was confused

because she couldn’t imagine
why any Black person,

in his or her right mind,

wouldn’t trade places with her.

I think it would blow her mind,
as it may some of yours,

when I say I am also proud
to be a patriot.

Given our history,

being Black and patriotic

will certainly strike some people
as strange, if not absurd.

I don’t know when patriotism
turned into, you know,

lapel pins and flyovers

and silly arguments about
pro football players taking a knee.

My love of country
is about national aspiration.

America is the only nation
in human history

organized not by geography
or a common culture

or language or religion or even race

but by a handful of civic ideals.

And we’ve come to define those ideals,
over time and through struggle,

as equality, opportunity and fair play.

Why?

Because that’s what makes
freedom possible.

That’s the America
my grandmother believed in.

That’s the America

that has made us a magnet
to talent from all over the world.

That’s the America that makes me

and countless other men and women,

from every race and background,

a patriot.

In a way, the founders,
for all their flaws,

designed America to be a nation of values,

a sort of a country with a conscience,

and we’ve struggled with and against
that conscience from the start.

But true patriots understand,
given that context,

that America cannot be great
without also being good.

So when we cage refugee children

to discourage their parents
from seeking sanctuary here,

true patriots know we cannot be great

without being good.

When bullets fly in houses of worship

or in schools or in nightclubs
or in grocery stores

and our leaders choose
the slogans of the gun lobby

over the lives of innocents,

patriots know we cannot be great
without being good.

When unarmed Black and brown citizens
are shot down by unaccountable police,

when our justice system
is not yet consistently just,

patriots know we cannot be great
without being good.

When the economy moves on

and leaves broken lives
and broken expectations behind

and our leaders just shrug,

or when the public schools
continue to fail poor children,

and when we can always find the money

for a weapons system
the military doesn’t want

but not the money for the health care
a young family or senior needs,

patriots know or must ask themselves,

“Can we be great without being good?”

And when we choose a power grab
over a fair vote,

every true patriot knows
we cannot be great without being good.

Patriotism demands more
than ceremony and sanctimony.

It’s about more
than what you say you believe.

It’s about living the values
of equality, opportunity and fair play,

even when it’s inconvenient,

even when it gets in the way
of partisan advantage,

even when it compels us to be mindful of
and compassionate towards the lowly,

the vulnerable, the different
and the despised.

Because that’s what
American democracy is for.

Of course, we have policies to fix,

whether in job growth or education,
in immigration or the justice system

or in these processes of democracy itself.

But before we can fix our policies,
we have to fix our politics.

And by that, I am not just talking
about better tone

or hyper partisanship

or a willingness to compromise.

As important as all of that is,

I’m talking about our purpose.

Sure, we should debate -
and we always do -

what role government
should play in any of this,

in meeting our civic obligations.

But let’s try for once not to forget,
in the heat of the debate,

that social and economic justice
was the point from the start.

These are challenging times,
but I will tell you I am encouraged.

I’m encouraged by the many polls
and other reporting,

as well as a number
of recent articles and books

that suggest we are a lot less divided
on the fundamentals

than we sometimes seem.

But I think saving our democracy

will take more,

not just from elected officials
or civic leaders or the media,

but more from each one of us.

And we’re going to have to start, I think,
by putting our cynicism down.

I’m going to give you
an example of what I mean.

Near the end of my time in office,

America faced a crisis,
not unlike today’s,

when there were all these
unaccompanied children,

some as young as three and four years old,

who were flooding
across the southern border,

having fled over thousands of miles
from violence in Central America,

and then, just like now,
the federal authorities were overwhelmed.

So President Obama,
who was in office at the time,

called on a number of states

to temporarily shelter
and care for some of these children

while they were being
processed under our laws.

Feelings around immigration
ran hot then, just like now.

Even so, I agree that our
commonwealth would help,

because sheltering poor children
fleeing unspeakable violence

was, to me, an act of patriotism

America has given sanctuary
to desperate children

for more than a century.

We’ve rescued Irish children from famine,

Russian and Ukrainian children
from religious persecution,

Cambodian children from genocide,

Haitian children from earthquakes,

Sudanese children from civil war,

our own New Orleans children
from Hurricane Katrina.

Once, in 1939, we turned our backs
on Jewish children fleeing the Nazis.

And it remains a blight
on our national reputation

as I fear the separation of children
in the last administration

will be remembered.

The point is that our esteem and our power

is enhanced when we rescue the desperate

and diminished when we don’t.

Still, I’m not naive.

I knew my decision would be controversial,

and indeed, for that decision,

I was called, on hate radio
and in social media,

everything but a child of God.

A couple of days
after I announced my decision,

on an unusually quiet Saturday morning,

my wife Diane gave me a list of stuff
to go get at the Home Depot,

proving for some of you who know her

that there is no office high enough

that excuses you
from one of her honey-do lists.

(Laughter)

It was early in the day,

and I thought I’d just slip out quickly,
you know, on my own

without bothering my security detail.

What harm could come of that, right?

I knew exactly where I was going
and where to find everything on my list.

So I set off in the truck in a T-shirt
and jeans and flip flops,

dark glasses and a baseball cap,

and it didn’t matter.

I was outed by the manager
in the very first aisle:

“Good morning, Governor.

Welcome to the Home Depot.

How can I help you?”

I encountered a man in the checkout line
who was red-hot mad,

you know, not hostile or threatening,
just really angry and loud.

And he let me have it.

“Governor,” he said,

“I couldn’t disagree with you more
about your decision.”

He said, “My own wife is an immigrant.

She came here legally.

That’s the way it ought to be.

And I just want you to know
I think you’re wrong.”

Now, in that circumstance,

there was no point
in trying to engage with him

about how being a refugee
is legal under American law.

I just thanked him for his feedback.

But everybody in the checkout line
and in that area of the store

knew who was mad at whom
and what he was mad about.

Now, I had six other encounters
in the store on the same subject.

And in every one of those,
someone came up and whispered,

“Governor, you’re doing the right thing.”

“Governor,

thanks for looking out for those kids.”

“Governor, I’m with you.”

The calls to the office

were two and three to one
in favor of sheltering those children.

And when I reflect on that,
I think to myself,

when did we learn to shout our anger
and to whisper our kindness?

It’s completely upside down.

I don’t know if that’s the reality
TV culture we live in or what,

but it’s totally backwards.

It’s time we learned again
to shout kindness,

to shout compassion,

to shout justice.

That’s the purpose of American democracy

and the source of our greatness.

Blessedly, we’re starting to see

more and more expressions
of this kind of thing across this country:

more and more people
coming off the sidelines,

overcoming their cynicism and fatalism

and standing up for America
at her generous and optimistic best,

from women who are demanding to be treated

with the respect and decency
everyone deserves,

from survivors of domestic
violence and abuse

demanding to be seen
and heard and believed,

from Black and brown people
who are demanding

consistent professionalism
and the presumption of innocence

from police,

from students who are demanding
we choose their lives and safety

over the proliferation
of military weapons in civilian hands,

from all those lawyers who showed up
at polling places in 2020 or at airports

after the so-called Muslim ban

demanding respect for the rule of law.

Black Lives Matter,

Time’s Up,

Black Girl Magic,

Occupy Wall Street,

Families Belong Together -

at any given time on any given issue,

they may make any one of us uncomfortable.

But they have taken to the legislatures,

to the ballot boxes, to the courtrooms

and peacefully to the streets

to lay claim to their democracy -

its purpose as well as its processes -

and ultimately, to affirm
the American conscience.

They are shouting kindness.

If American-style democracy
is to have a chance,

more of us had better
put our own cynicism down,

summon up our own patriotism

and join them.

Thank you very much.

(Applause)

抄写员:Giulia Sgarbossa
审稿人:Amanda Zhu

非常感谢您的热烈欢迎。

听着,我担心我们的民主。

如今,我们有领导人将
分裂本身作为一种政治工具。

在某些情况下,他们淡化甚至鼓励

进行致命攻击以推翻选举。

他们中的
许多人正在

努力使投票变得更加困难。

从这些
民主进程中撤退——

你知道,投票访问
或立法辩论、

司法审查——

它们已经足够令人担忧了。

但更令我

担忧
的是民主目的的倒退:

这些过时
的政府观念,民治民享,

法治高于任何一个人的统治,

所有人的自由和正义 .

COVID 使我们更难忽视我们之间

在健康、财富和教育方面的巨大差距,以及

我们警务工作中的严重不公平,

让许多美国人

质疑我们
对社会和经济正义的国家承诺是否真实。

一段时间以来,

用我的一位朋友的话来说

,所有人都应该得到生命、
自由和追求幸福这一不言而喻的真理

似乎还远未
在美国人的脑海中扎根。

所以对我来说,美国民主

,所谓的形式模式,

是可以争夺的。

我很担心,不仅仅是作为一名律师
或前公职人员,

而且主要是作为一名爱国者。

我在芝加哥南部长大,
在一个拥挤的两居室公寓里,

和我的母亲、姐姐、祖父母和来来往往的
各种亲戚在一起。

我去了大型、人满为患
、资源不足、

有时甚至暴力的公立学校。

然而我的祖母
永远不会允许我们说我们很穷。

“刚刚破产,”她会说,

因为破产是暂时的。

现在,想一想,这位
来自 Jim Crow South 的

难民仍然相信在美国

,只要努力工作、
做好准备和信仰——

无论是宗教的还是公民的——

你都可以
从出生的环境中解脱出来。

对她来说,我
是她对美国信仰的结果和象征,

所以你最好相信我是一个爱国者。

但是美国黑人的爱国主义

是棘手的。

爱一个并不总是爱你的国家是很棘手的

我想起那些
在世界大战中出发为自由而战的黑人

,然后回家却被剥夺了
这些自由,

他们中的一些人
穿着军装被处以私刑。

我想起
那些建造伟大的公立大学

的黑人劳工,他们的大门对他们关闭

,黑人选民选举了
伟大的公共领导人,

他们的政策,如《退伍军人权利法案》,
对他们关闭。

在我们的许多历史中,

美国民主本身
对黑人是封闭的。

很多祖母和我一样,
都有

从未有过机会的孙子和孙女。

还是不要。

我记得在大学里,
一个白人同学问我,

“你到底为什么想成为黑人?”

当我告诉她我没有
考虑过替代方案

(笑声)

并且永远不会考虑时,

她看起来很震惊和困惑。

我将此部分归因于
我说话和穿着像个学院派的事实,

我明白了这一点。

但大多数情况下,我认为她很困惑,

因为她无法想象
为什么任何黑人,

在他或她的头脑中,

不会与她交换位置。 当我说我也为成为一名爱国者而感到自豪时

,我认为这会让她大吃一惊,
就像你的一些人一样

鉴于我们的历史

,身为黑人和爱国者

肯定会让一些人
感到奇怪,如果不是荒谬的话。

我不知道什么时候爱国主义
变成了,你知道的,

翻领别针和天桥

以及关于
职业足球运动员膝盖的愚蠢争论。

我对国家的热爱
是关于国家愿望的。

美国
是人类历史上唯一一个

不是由地理
、共同文化

、语言、宗教甚至种族

而是由少数公民理想组成的国家。

随着时间的推移,我们通过斗争将这些理想定义

为平等、机会和公平竞争。

为什么?

因为这就是使
自由成为可能的原因。

这就是
我祖母所相信的美国。

这就是美国

,它使我们吸引
了来自世界各地的人才。

正是这个美国让我

和无数其他

来自各个种族和背景的男人和女人

成为了爱国者。

在某种程度上,
尽管有种种缺陷,创始人将

美国设计为一个价值观

的国家,一个有良知的国家,

而我们
从一开始就与这种良心作斗争,也与这种良心作斗争。

但真正的爱国者明白,
鉴于这种情况

,美国若不做好事,就不可能伟大

因此,当我们关押难民儿童

以阻止他们的父母
在这里寻求庇护时,

真正的爱国者知道,如果不做好事,我们就无法成为伟大的

人。

当子弹在教堂

、学校、夜总会
或杂货店里飞舞

,我们的领导人选择
枪支游说的口号而不是

无辜者的生命时,

爱国者知道,如果不做好事,我们就不可能伟大

当手无寸铁的黑人和棕色人种公民
被不负责任的警察击毙时,

当我们的司法
系统尚未始终公正时,

爱国者们知道,如果不做好事,我们就无法成为伟大的
人。

当经济继续发展

,把破碎的生活
和破碎的期望抛在脑后

,我们的领导人只是耸耸肩,

或者当公立学校
继续让贫穷的孩子不及格

,当我们总能找到钱

购买
军队不想要但不想要的武器系统时

年轻家庭或老年人需要医疗保健的钱,

爱国者知道或必须问自己:

“我们可以不优秀吗?”

当我们选择夺权
而不是公平投票时,

每个真正的爱国者都知道,
如果不做好事,我们就不可能成为伟大的人。

爱国主义要求的
不仅仅是仪式和圣洁。


不仅仅是你所说的你所相信的。

这是关于践行
平等、机会和公平竞争的价值观,

即使它不方便,

即使它
妨碍党派优势,

即使它迫使我们对低贱

、弱势、不同
和 被鄙视的。

因为这就是
美国民主的目的。

当然,

无论是在就业增长或教育
、移民或司法系统,

还是在这些民主进程本身,我们都有需要解决的政策。

但在我们能够修正我们的政策之前,
我们必须修正我们的政治。

就此而言,我不只是在
谈论更好的语气

或超党派关系

或妥协的意愿。

与所有这些一样重要的是,

我正在谈论我们的目的。

当然,我们应该辩论——
而且我们总是这样做——

政府
应该在其中扮演什么角色,

以履行我们的公民义务。

但是,让我们试着不要忘记,
在激烈的辩论中

,社会和经济正义
从一开始就是重点。

这是充满挑战的时代,
但我会告诉你我很受鼓舞。

许多民意调查
和其他报道,

以及
最近的一些文章和书籍

表明我们在基本面上的分歧比有时看起来要少得多,这让我感到鼓舞

但我认为拯救我们的民主

需要更多,

不仅来自民选官员
、公民领袖或媒体,

而且来自我们每个人。

我认为,我们必须从
放下我们的愤世嫉俗开始。

我会给你
一个例子来说明我的意思。

在我的任期即将结束时,

美国面临着一场危机
,与今天的情况不同,

当时所有这些
无人陪伴

的孩子,有的只有三四岁,洪水般

越过南部边境

,逃离了数千英里。
中美洲的暴力事件,

然后就像现在一样
,联邦当局不堪重负。

因此,
当时在任的奥巴马总统

呼吁一些州

在根据我们的法律处理这些儿童时临时庇护和照顾他们。

就像现在一样,当时对移民的感情很热。

即便如此,我同意我们的
联邦会有所帮助,

因为对我来说,庇护那些
逃离无法形容的暴力的贫困儿童

是一种爱国主义行为,一个多世纪以来,

美国一直
为绝望的儿童

提供庇护。

我们从饥荒中拯救了爱尔兰儿童,从宗教迫害中拯救了

俄罗斯和乌克兰儿童

从种族灭绝中拯救了柬埔寨儿童,

从地震中拯救了海地儿童,

从内战中拯救了苏丹儿童,从卡特里娜飓风中拯救

了我们自己的新奥尔良儿童

有一次,在 1939 年,我们背弃了
逃离纳粹的犹太儿童。

这仍然
对我们的国家声誉造成损害,

因为我担心上届政府中儿童的分离

会被人们记住。

关键是,

当我们拯救绝望的人时,我们的自尊和力量会增强

,而当我们不拯救时,我们的自尊和力量就会减弱。

不过,我并不天真。

我知道我的决定会引起争议

,事实上,对于那个决定,

我在仇恨电台和社交媒体上被召唤,

除了上帝的孩子之外的一切。

在我宣布决定几天后,

在一个异常安静的周六早上,

我的妻子黛安给了我一份
去家得宝的清单,向

你们中的一些认识她的人证明,

没有足够高的办公室

原谅你
从她的一份蜂蜜清单中。

(笑声)

那天很早

,我想我会很快溜出去,
你知道,我自己

不用打扰我的安全细节。

那会有什么害处,对吧?

我确切地知道我要去哪里
以及在哪里可以找到我清单上的所有内容。

所以我穿着 T 恤
、牛仔裤、人字拖、

墨镜和棒球帽在卡车上出发

,这并不重要。

我在第一个过道被经理发现

“早上好,州长。

欢迎来到家得宝。

我怎么帮你?”

我在收银台遇到了一个人,
他非常生气,

你知道,没有敌意或威胁,
只是非常生气和大声。

他让我拥有它。

“州长,”他说,


关于你的决定,我完全不同意你的看法。”

他说:“我自己的妻子是移民。

她是合法来到这里的。

这就是它应该的样子。

我只是想让你知道
我认为你错了。”

现在,在那种情况下,

试图与他

讨论
根据美国法律如何成为难民是合法的,这是没有意义的。

我只是感谢他的反馈。

但是收银台
和商店那个区域的每个人都

知道谁对谁生气,
他对什么生气。

现在,我
在商店里遇到了另外六次关于同一主题的遭遇。

在每一个中,都有
人走过来低声说:

“州长,你做的是对的。”

“州长,

谢谢你照顾那些孩子。”

“院长,我陪着你。”

打给办公室的电话

是二比一和三比一
,赞成庇护这些孩子。

当我反思这一点时,
我在想,

我们什么时候学会了大喊大叫
,低声表达我们的善意?

它完全颠倒了。

我不知道那是
我们生活的真人秀文化还是什么,

但它完全是倒退的。

是时候让我们再次学会
高喊仁慈

、高喊同情

、高喊正义了。

这就是美国民主的目的,

也是我们伟大的源泉。

幸运的是,我们开始在这个国家看到

越来越多
的这种事情的表达:

越来越多的人
从场外走出来,

克服他们的愤世嫉俗

和宿命论,
以她慷慨和乐观的最佳状态为美国挺身而出,

来自那些 要求以每个人应

得的尊重和体面对待

来自

要求被看到
、听到和相信的家庭暴力和虐待幸存者,

来自
要求警察

始终如一的专业精神
和无罪推定的黑人和棕色人种

来自那些 要求
我们选择他们的生命和安全,而

不是
平民手中军用武器的扩散

,这些律师

所谓的穆斯林禁令

要求尊重法治后于 2020 年出现在投票站或机场。

Black Lives Matter,

Time’s Up,

Black Girl Magic,

Occupy Wall Street,

Families Belong Together -

在任何特定时间,在任何特定问题上,

它们都可能让我们中的任何一个人感到不舒服。

但他们已经走上立法机关

、投票箱、法庭

,和平地走上街头

,宣称他们的民主——

其目的和过程——

并最终
确认美国的良知。

他们在喊善意。

美式
民主要想有机会,

我们更多的人最好
放下自己的愤世嫉俗,

唤起自己的爱国主义

,加入他们。

非常感谢你。

(掌声)