A brief history of divorce Rod Phillips

The earliest known divorce
laws were written

on clay tablets in ancient Mesopotamia
around 2000 BCE.

Formally or informally, human societies
across place and time

have made rules
to bind and dissolve couples.

Inca couples, for example,
started with a trial partnership,

during which a man could send
his partner home.

But once a marriage was formalized,
there was no getting out of it.

Among the Inuit peoples,
divorce was discouraged,

but either spouse could demand one.

or they could exchange partners
with a different couple—

as long as all four people agreed.

The stakes of who can obtain a divorce,
and why, have always been high.

Divorce is a battlefield for some
of society’s most urgent issues,

including the roles of church and state,
individual rights, and women’s rights.

Religious authorities have often
regulated marriage and divorce.

Muslims in Africa, the Middle East, and
Asia began using the Quran’s rules

in the 7th century AD—

generally, a husband can divorce his wife
without cause or agreement,

while a wife must secure her husband’s
agreement to divorce him.

In Europe, Christian churches controlled
divorce from the 11th century on,

with the Catholic Church
banning it entirely

and Protestant churches allowing
it in restricted circumstances,

particularly adultery.

In the late 18th century,
a series of changes took place

that would eventually shape
divorce laws around the world.

Following centuries of religious conflict,

Europeans pushed for state governance
separate from religious control.

Secular courts gradually took over
education, welfare, health, marriage—

and divorce.

The French Revolution ushered in the first
of the new divorce laws,

allowing men and women to divorce
for a number of grounds,

including adultery, violence,
and desertion, or simply mutual consent.

Though progress was uneven, overall this
sort of legislation spread in Europe,

North America and some European
colonies in the 19th century.

Still, women’s access to divorce often
remained restricted compared to men.

Adultery was considered more
serious for women—

a man could divorce his wife
for adultery alone,

while a woman would need
evidence of adultery,

plus an additional offense
to divorce her husband.

Sometimes this double standard
was written into law;

other times, the courts enforced
the laws unequally.

Domestic violence by a man against
his wife was not widely considered

grounds for divorce
until the 20th century.

And though new laws expanded
the reasons a couple could divorce,

they also retained the fundamental
ideology of their religious predecessors:

that a couple could only split if one
person wronged the other in specific ways.

This state of affairs really overstayed
its welcome.

Well into the 20th century,
couples in the U.S.

resorted to hiring actors to jump into bed
with one spouse,

fully clothed, and take photos
as evidence of cheating.

Finally, in the 1960s and 70s,

many countries and states adopted
no-fault divorce laws,

where someone could divorce their spouse
without proving harm,

and importantly,
without the other’s consent.

The transition from cultural
and religious rules

to state sanctioned ones
has always been messy and incomplete—

people have often ignored
their governments’ laws

in favor of other conventions.

Even today, the Catholic Church doesn’t
recognize divorces granted by law.

In some places, like parts of India,

Western-style divorce laws
have been seen as a colonial influence

and communities practice divorce
according to other religious rules.

In others, though the law may allow
for equal access to divorce,

bias in the legal system, cultural stigma,
or community pressures

can make it far more difficult for certain
people, almost always women.

And even in the places where women
aren’t disadvantaged by law or otherwise,

social and economic conditions often make
divorce more difficult for women.

In the United States, for example,

women experience economic loss
far more than men after divorce.

At its best, modern no-fault divorce
allows people to leave marriages

that make them unhappy.

But dissolving a marriage
is almost never as simple

as sending two people their separate ways.

What divorcing partners owe each other,

and how they manage aspects
of a once shared life

remain emotionally and philosophically
complex issues.

已知最早的离婚
法是公元前 2000 年左右

在古代美索不达米亚的泥板上写成的

正式或非正式地,
跨越时间和地点的人类社会

制定
了约束和解散夫妻的规则。

例如,印加夫妇
从试婚开始,

在此期间,男人可以将
他的伴侣送回家。

但是一旦婚姻正式确定,
就无法摆脱它。

在因纽特人中,
不鼓励离婚,

但任何一方都可以要求离婚。

或者他们可以
与另一对情侣交换伴侣——

只要四个人都同意。

谁可以获得离婚
以及为什么离婚的风险一直很高。

离婚是
一些社会最紧迫问题的战场,

包括教会和国家的角色、
个人权利和妇女权利。

宗教当局经常
规范婚姻和离婚。

非洲、中东和
亚洲的穆斯林在公元 7 世纪开始使用《古兰经》的规则——

一般来说,丈夫可以在
没有理由或同意的情况下与妻子离婚,

而妻子必须得到丈夫的
同意才能与他离婚。

在欧洲,基督教会
从 11 世纪开始控制离婚

,天主教
会完全禁止离婚,

而新教教会
在有限的情况下允许离婚,

尤其是通奸。

在 18 世纪后期,
发生了一系列变化

,最终形成
了世界各地的离婚法。

经过几个世纪的宗教冲突,

欧洲人推动将国家治理
与宗教控制分开。

世俗法庭逐渐接管了
教育、福利、健康、婚姻

和离婚。

法国大革命迎来了第一
部新的离婚法,

允许男女
以多种理由离婚,

包括通奸、暴力
和遗弃,或者仅仅是相互同意。

尽管进展参差不齐,但总体而言,这类
立法在 19 世纪在欧洲、

北美和一些欧洲
殖民地传播开来。

尽管如此,与男性相比,女性离婚的机会往往
仍然受到限制。

通奸被认为
对女人来说更为严重——

男人可以
仅仅因为通奸

而与妻子离婚,而女人需要
通奸的证据,

再加
上与丈夫离婚的额外罪行。

有时这种双重标准
被写入法律;

其他时候,法院执行
的法律不平等。 直到 20 世纪,

男人对
妻子的家庭暴力才被广泛认为

是离婚的理由

尽管新法律扩大
了夫妻可以离婚的理由,

但它们也保留
了其宗教前辈的基本意识形态

:一对夫妻只有在一个
人以特定方式冤枉另一个人的情况下才能分手。

这种事态确实已经
过时了。

早在 20 世纪,
美国的夫妻就

采取雇佣演员的方式,
与一位配偶一起上床,

穿好衣服,拍照
作为出轨的证据。

最后,在 1960 年代和 70 年代,

许多国家和州通过了
无过错离婚法,

其中某人可以在
没有证明伤害的情况下与配偶离婚

,重要的是,
无需另一方的同意。

从文化
和宗教规则

到国家批准的规则的过渡
一直是混乱和不完整的——

人们经常
忽视政府的法律

,转而支持其他公约。

即使在今天,天主教会也不
承认法律允许的离婚。

在某些地方,例如印度的部分地区,

西式离婚
法被视为殖民影响

,社区
根据其他宗教规则实行离婚。

在其他情况下,虽然法律可能
允许平等离婚,

但法律制度中的偏见、文化污名
或社区压力

可能会使某些
人(几乎总是女性)变得更加困难。

即使在
法律或其他方面没有使女性处于不利地位的地方,

社会和经济条件也常常
使女性离婚更加困难。

例如,在美国,离婚后

女性遭受的经济损失
远远超过男性。

在最好的情况下,现代无过错离婚
允许人们离开

让他们不快乐的婚姻。

但解除
婚姻几乎从来没有

让两个人分道扬镳那么简单。

离婚的伴侣彼此欠对方什么,

以及他们如何管理
曾经共同生活的各个方面,

仍然是情感和哲学上
复杂的问题。