The harm reduction model of drug addiction treatment Mark Tyndall

I remember the first time
that I saw people injecting drugs.

I had just arrived in Vancouver
to lead a research project

in HIV prevention in the
infamous Downtown East Side.

It was in the lobby of the Portland Hotel,

a supportive housing
project that gave rooms

to the most marginalized
people in the city,

the so-called “difficult to house.”

I’ll never forget the young woman
standing on the stairs

repeatedly jabbing herself with a needle,
and screaming,

“I can’t find a vein,”

as blood splattered on the wall.

In response to the desperate
state of affairs, the drug use,

the poverty, the violence,
the soaring rates of HIV,

Vancouver declared a public
health emergency in 1997.

This opened the door to
expanding harm reduction services,

distributing more needles,

increasing access to methadone,

and, finally, opening
a supervised injection site.

Things that make injecting
drugs less hazardous.

But today, 20 years later,

harm reduction is still viewed
as some sort of radical concept.

In some places, it’s still illegal
to carry a clean needle.

Drug users are far more likely
to be arrested

than to be offered methadone therapy.

Recent proposals for
supervised injection sites

in cities like Seattle,
Baltimore and New York

have been met with stiff opposition:

opposition that goes against
everything we know about addiction.

Why is that?

Why are we still stuck on the idea

that the only option is to stop using –
that any drug use will not be tolerated?

Why do we ignore
countless personal stories

and overwhelming scientific evidence

that harm reduction works?

Critics say that harm
reduction doesn’t stop people

from using illegal drugs.

Well, actually, that is the whole point.

After every criminal and societal sanction

that we can come up with,

people still use drugs,
and far too many die.

Critics also say that
we are giving up on people

by not focusing our attention
on treatment and recovery.

In fact, it is just the opposite.

We are not giving up on people.

We know that if recovery
is ever going to happen

we must keep people alive.

Offering someone a clean needle
or a safe place to inject

is the first step to
treatment and recovery.

Critics also claim that harm reduction

gives the wrong message to
our children about drug users.

The last time I looked,
these drug users are our children.

The message of harm reduction
is that while drugs can hurt you,

we still must reach out to
people who are addicted.

A needle exchange is not an
advertisement for drug use.

Neither is a methadone clinic
or a supervised injection site.

What you see there are
people sick and hurting,

hardly an endorsement for drug use.

Let’s take supervised
injection sites, for example.

Probably the most misunderstood
health intervention ever.

All we are saying is that allowing people

to inject in a clean, dry space
with fresh needles,

surrounded by people who care

is a lot better than
injecting in a dingy alley,

sharing contaminated needles
and hiding out from police.

It’s better for everybody.

The first supervised injection site
in Vancouver was at 327 Carol Street,

a narrow room with a concrete floor,
a few chairs and a box of clean needles.

The police would often lock it down,

but somehow it always
mysteriously reopened,

often with the aid of a crowbar.

I would go down there some evenings

to provide medical care
for people who were injecting drugs.

I was always struck with the
commitment and compassion

of the people who operated
and used the site.

No judgment, no hassles, no fear,

lots of profound conversation.

I learned that despite
unimaginable trauma,

physical pain and mental illness,

that everyone there thought
that things would get better.

Most were convinced that, someday,
they’d stop using drugs altogether.

That room was the forerunner
to North America’s

first government-sanctioned
supervised injection site, called INSITE.

It opened in September of 2003
as a three-year research project.

The conservative government was intent on
closing it down at the end of the study.

After eight years,
the battle to close INSITE

went all the way up to
Canada’s Supreme Court.

It pitted the government of Canada

against two people with a
long history of drug use

who knew the benefits of INSITE firsthand:

Dean Wilson and Shelley Tomic.

The court ruled in favor
of keeping INSITE open by nine to zero.

The justices were scathing in
their response to the government’s case.

And I quote:

“The effect of denying the services
of INSITE to the population that it serves

and the correlative increase in the risk
of death and disease

to injection drug users
is grossly disproportionate to any benefit

that Canada might derive

from presenting a uniform stance
on the possession of narcotics.”

This was a hopeful moment
for harm reduction.

Yet, despite this strong message
from the Supreme Court,

it was, until very recently,

impossible to open up
any new sites in Canada.

There was one interesting thing
that happened in December of 2016,

when due to the overdose crisis,

the government of British Columbia allowed
the opening of overdose prevention sites.

Essentially ignoring the
federal approval process,

community groups opened up
about 22 of these de facto illegal

supervised injection sites
across the province.

Virtually overnight,

thousands of people could
use drugs under supervision.

Hundreds of overdoses were reversed
by Naloxone, and nobody died.

In fact, this is what’s happened
at INSITE over the last 14 years:

75,000 different individuals
have injected illegal drugs

more than three and a half million times,

and not one person has died.

Nobody has ever died at INSITE.

So there you have it.

We have scientific evidence
and successes from needle exchanges

methadone and supervised injection sites.

These are common-sense,
compassionate approaches to drug use

that improve health, bring connection

and greatly reduce suffering and death.

So why haven’t harm reduction
programs taken off?

Why do we still think
that drug use is law enforcement issue?

Our disdain for drugs and
drug users goes very deep.

We are bombarded with
images and media stories

about the horrible impacts of drugs.

We have stigmatized entire communities.

We applaud military-inspired operations
that bring down drug dealers.

And we appear unfazed
by building more jails

to incarcerate people whose
only crime is using drugs.

Virtually millions of people are caught up

in a hopeless cycle
of incarceration, violence and poverty

that has been created by our drug laws
and not the drugs themselves.

How do I explain to people
that drug users deserve care and support

and the freedom to live their lives

when all we see are images of guns
and handcuffs and jail cells?

Let’s be clear:

criminalization is just a way
to institutionalize stigma.

Making drugs illegal does nothing
to stop people from using them.

Our paralysis to see things differently

is also based on an entirely
false narrative about drug use.

We have been led to believe
that drug users

are irresponsible people who just
want to get high,

and then through their
own personal failings

spiral down into a life
of crime and poverty,

losing their jobs, their families
and, ultimately, their lives.

In reality, most drug users have a story,

whether it’s childhood trauma,
sexual abuse, mental illness

or a personal tragedy.

The drugs are used to numb the pain.

We must understand that
as we approach people with so much trauma.

At its core, our drug policies
are really a social justice issue.

While the media may focus on overdose
deaths like Prince and Michael Jackson,

the majority of the suffering

happens to people who are
living on the margins,

the poor and the dispossessed.

They don’t vote; they are often alone.

They are society’s disposable people.

Even within health care,
drug use is highly stigmatized.

People using drugs avoid
the health care system.

They know that once
engaged in clinical care

or admitted to hospital,
they will be treated poorly.

And their supply line, be it heroin,
cocaine or crystal meth

will be interrupted.

On top of that, they will be asked
a barrage of questions

that only serve
to expose their losses and shame.

“What drugs do you use?”

“How long have you been
living on the street?”

“Where are your children?”

“When were you last in jail?”

Essentially: “Why the hell
don’t you stop using drugs?”

In fact, our entire medical
approach to drug use is upside down.

For some reason,

we have decided that abstinence
is the best way to treat this.

If you’re lucky enough,
you may get into a detox program.

If you live in a community
with Suboxone or methadone,

you may get on a substitution program.

Hardly ever would we offer people
what they desperately need to survive:

a safe prescription for opioids.

Starting with abstinence is
like asking a new diabetic to quit sugar

or a severe asthmatic
to start running marathons

or a depressed person to just be happy.

For any other medical condition,

we would never start with
the most extreme option.

What makes us think that strategy

would work for something
as complex as addiction?

While unintentional overdoses are not new,

the scale of the current
crisis is unprecedented.

The Center for Disease Control estimated

that 64,000 Americans died
of a drug overdose in 2016,

far exceeding car crashes or homicides.

Drug-related mortality is now
the leading cause of death

among men and women between
20 and 50 years old in North America

Think about that.

How did we get to this point, and why now?

There is a kind of perfect
storm around opioids.

Drugs like Oxycontin,
Percocet and Dilaudid

have been liberally distributed
for decades for all kinds of pain.

It is estimated that two million
Americans are daily opioid users,

and over 60 million people

received at least one prescription
for opioids last year.

This massive dump of
prescription drugs into communities

has provided a steady source
for people wanting to self-medicate.

In response to this prescription epidemic,

people have been cut off, and this
has greatly reduced the street supply

The unintended but predictable consequence

is an overdose epidemic.

Many people who were reliant on
a steady supply of prescription drugs

turned to heroin.

And now the illegal drug market
has tragically switched

to synthetic drugs, mainly fentanyl.

These new drugs are cheap,
potent and extremely hard to dose.

People are literally being poisoned.

Can you imagine if this was
any other kind of poisoning epidemic?

What if thousands of people started dying

from poisoned meat
or baby formula or coffee?

We would be treating
this as a true emergency.

We would immediately be
supplying safer alternatives.

There would be changes in legislation,

and we would be supporting
the victims and their families.

But for the drug overdose epidemic,

we have done none of that.

We continue to demonize the drugs
and the people who use them

and blindly pour even more resources
into law enforcement.

So where should we go from here?

First, we should fully embrace,
fund and scale up

harm reduction programs
across North America.

I know that in places like Vancouver,

harm reduction has been a
lifeline to care and treatment.

I know that the number of overdose deaths

would be far higher
without harm reduction.

And I personally know hundreds
of people who are alive today

because of harm reduction.

But harm reduction is just the start.

If we truly want to make
an impact on this drug crisis,

we need to have a serious
conversation about prohibition

and criminal punishment.

We need to recognize that drug use is
first and foremost a public health issue

and turn to comprehensive social
and health solutions.

We already have a model
for how this can work.

In 2001, Portugal was
having its own drug crisis.

Lots of people using
drugs, high crime rates

and an overdose epidemic.

They defied global conventions
and decriminalized all drug possession.

Money that was spent on drug enforcement

was redirected to health
and rehabilitation programs.

The results are in.

Overall drug use is down dramatically.

Overdoses are uncommon.

Many more people are in treatment.

And people have been
given their lives back.

We have come so far down the road
of prohibition, punishment and prejudice

that we have become
indifferent to the suffering

that we have inflicted on the
most vulnerable people in our society.

This year even more
people will get caught up

in the illegal drug trade.

Thousands of children will learn
that their mother or father

has been sent to jail for using drugs.

And far too many parents will be notified

that their son or daughter
has died of a drug overdose.

It doesn’t have to be this way.

Thank you.

(Applause)

我记得我第一次
看到人们注射毒品。

我刚刚抵达
温哥华,在臭名昭著的市中心东区领导一个

艾滋病毒预防研究项目

那是在波特兰酒店的大厅里,这是

一个支持性的住房
项目,为城市

中最边缘化的
人提供

房间,即所谓的“难以安家”。

我永远不会忘记
站在楼梯上的那个年轻女子

反复用针刺自己,当鲜血溅到墙上时,她
尖叫着

“我找不到静脉”

为了应对令人绝望
的事态、吸毒

、贫困、暴力、
艾滋病毒感染率的飙升,

温哥华
于 1997 年宣布进入公共卫生紧急状态。

这为
扩大减少危害服务、

分发更多针头、

增加获取途径打开了大门 到美沙酮

,最后,打开
一个有监督的注射点。

使注射
毒品的危险性降低的事情。

但 20 年后的今天,

减少危害仍然被
视为某种激进的概念。

在某些地方,携带干净的针头仍然是违法的

吸毒者
被逮捕的可能性远

高于接受美沙酮治疗的可能性。

最近

在西雅图、
巴尔的摩和纽约

等城市设立受监督注射点的提议遭到了强烈反对:

反对
我们所知道的关于成瘾的一切。

这是为什么?

为什么我们仍然坚持

认为唯一的选择是停止使用
——任何药物的使用都不会被容忍?

为什么我们忽略了
无数个人故事

和压倒性的

减少伤害有效的科学证据?

批评者说,
减少危害并不能阻止

人们使用非法药物。

嗯,实际上,这就是重点。

在我们可以提出的每一次刑事和社会制裁

之后,

人们仍然使用毒品,
并且有太多人死亡。

批评者还说,

我们没有将注意力
集中在治疗和康复上,从而放弃了人们。

事实上,恰恰相反。

我们不会放弃人。

我们知道,
如果要实现复苏,

我们必须让人们活着。

为某人提供干净的针头
或安全的注射场所


治疗和康复的第一步。

批评者还声称,减少伤害


我们的孩子传达了关于吸毒者的错误信息。

我上次看时,
这些吸毒者是我们的孩子。

减少伤害的信息
是,虽然毒品会伤害你,

但我们仍然必须接触
上瘾的人。

换针头不是
吸毒广告。

美沙酮诊所
或受监督的注射部位都不是。

你看到
有人生病和受伤,这

几乎不是对吸毒的认可。

让我们以受监督的
注射部位为例。

可能是有史以来最被误解的
健康干预措施。

我们要说的是,让

人们在干净、干燥的空间里
用新鲜的针头注射,

周围都是关心的人,

这比
在肮脏的小巷里注射、

共用受污染的针头
和躲避警察要好得多。

这对每个人都更好。

温哥华第一个受监督的注射点
位于卡罗尔街 327 号,这

是一个狭窄的房间,有水泥地板、
几把椅子和一盒干净的针头。

警察经常把它锁起来,

但不知何故,它总是
神秘地重新打开,

通常是在撬棍的帮助下。

一些晚上我会去那里

为注射毒品的人提供医疗服务。

我总是

运营
和使用该网站的人们的承诺和同情心感到震惊。

没有判断力,没有麻烦,没有恐惧,有

很多深刻的对话。

我了解到,尽管有
难以想象的创伤、

身体疼痛和精神疾病,

但那里的每个人都
认为情况会好转。

大多数人相信,总有一天,
他们会完全停止使用毒品。

那个房间是
北美

第一个政府批准的
监督注射点的前身,称为 INSITE。

它于 2003 年 9 月
作为一个为期三年的研究项目开放。

保守的政府打算
在研究结束时关闭它。

八年后,
关闭 INSITE 的斗争一直打到

加拿大最高法院。

它使加拿大政府

与两个
长期吸毒

并亲身了解 INSITE 好处的人展开对抗:

Dean Wilson 和 Shelley Tomic。

法院裁定
以九比零的比例保持 INSITE 开放。

大法官们
对政府的案件做出了严厉的回应。

我引用:

“拒绝
INSITE 为其服务的人群提供服务的影响,以及注射吸毒者死亡

和疾病风险的相关增加,与

加拿大可能从

对 拥有毒品。”

这是减少伤害的充满希望的
时刻。

然而,尽管最高法院发出了这一强烈
信息,

但直到最近,

在加拿大开设任何新网站都是不可能的。

2016 年 12 月发生了一件有趣的事情,

当时由于过量用药危机,

不列颠哥伦比亚省政府
允许开设过量用药预防站点。

基本上无视
联邦批准程序,

社区团体在全省开放了
大约 22 个事实上的非法

监管注射点

几乎在一夜之间,

成千上万的人可以
在监督下使用毒品。 纳洛酮

逆转了数百次过量服用
,没有人死亡。

事实上,这就是
过去 14 年来 INSITE 发生的事情:

75,000 名不同的
人注射

了超过 350 万次非法药物,但

没有一个人死亡。

从来没有人在 INSITE 死去。

所以你有它。

我们有
来自针头交换

美沙酮和监督注射部位的科学证据和成功。

这些是常识性的、
富有同情心的药物使用方法

,可以改善健康、带来联系

并大大减少痛苦和死亡。

那么,为什么减少伤害
计划没有启动呢?

为什么我们仍然
认为吸毒是执法问题?

我们对毒品和
吸毒者的蔑视非常深刻。

我们被

关于毒品可怕影响的图片和媒体报道轰炸。

我们污名化了整个社区。

我们为
打击毒贩的军事行动鼓掌。

我们似乎并不
担心建造更多的监狱

来监禁
唯一犯罪是吸毒的人。

几乎数百万人陷入了由我们的禁毒法而非毒品本身

造成的无望
的监禁、暴力和贫困循环

。 当我们看到的只是枪支、手铐和牢房的图像时,

我如何向人们
解释吸毒者应该得到关心和支持

以及生活的自由

让我们明确一点:

定罪只是将
污名制度化的一种方式。

将毒品定为非法并
不能阻止人们使用它们。

我们以不同的方式看待事物的麻痹

也是基于对吸毒的完全
错误的叙述。

我们一直被引导
相信吸毒者

是不负责任的人,他们只是
想获得快感,

然后通过
自己的个人失败

陷入
犯罪和贫困的生活,

失去工作,失去家庭
,最终失去生命。

实际上,大多数吸毒者都有自己的故事,

无论是童年创伤、
性虐待、精神疾病

还是个人悲剧。

药物用于麻木疼痛。

当我们接近遭受如此多创伤的人时,我们必须明白这一点。

从本质上讲,我们的毒品
政策确实是一个社会正义问题。

虽然媒体可能会关注
像普林斯和迈克尔杰克逊这样的过量死亡

,但大部分痛苦

发生在
生活在边缘的人

、穷人和被剥夺者身上。

他们不投票; 他们经常独自一人。

他们是社会可支配的人。

即使在医疗保健领域,
吸毒也受到高度污名化。

吸毒者
避开医疗保健系统。

他们知道,一旦
从事临床护理

或入院,
他们的待遇就会很差。

他们的供应线,无论是海洛因、
可卡因还是冰毒,

都会被中断。

最重要的是,他们会被问到
一连串的问题

,这些问题
只会暴露他们的损失和耻辱。

“你用什么药?”

“你
流落街头多久了?”

“你的孩子呢?”

“你上次进监狱是什么时候?”

本质上是:“你为什么
不停止使用毒品?”

事实上,我们
对药物使用的整个医学方法是颠倒的。

出于某种原因,

我们决定禁欲
是治疗这种情况的最佳方法。

如果你足够幸运,
你可能会参加排毒计划。

如果您住在
有 Suboxone 或美沙酮的社区,

您可能会参加替代计划。

我们几乎不会为人们提供
他们生存所迫切需要的东西:

一种安全的阿片类药物处方。

从禁欲开始
就像要求新的糖尿病患者戒糖

或让严重的哮喘患者
开始跑马拉松

或让抑郁的人开心。

对于任何其他医疗状况,

我们永远不会
从最极端的选择开始。

是什么让我们认为这种

策略适用于
像成瘾这样复杂的事情?

虽然无意过量服药并不新鲜,

但当前危机的规模
是前所未有的。

美国疾病控制中心估计

,2016 年有 64,000 名美国人
死于药物过量,

远远超过车祸或凶杀案。

与毒品有关的死亡率现在
是北美 20

至 50 岁男性和女性死亡的主要原因

想想看。

我们是如何走到这一步的,为什么是现在?

阿片类药物周围有一种完美的风暴。 几十年来,

Oxycontin、
Percocet 和 Dilaudid 等药物

一直广泛
用于治疗各种疼痛。

据估计,每天有 200 万
美国人每天使用阿片类药物,去年

有超过 6000 万人

收到了至少一种
阿片类药物处方。

大量
向社区倾倒处方药为想要自我用药的

人提供了稳定的来源

为了应对这种处方流行病,

人们被切断了,这
大大减少了街头

供应。意外但可以预见的后果

是过量流行病。

许多
依赖稳定供应处方药的人

转向海洛因。

而现在非法毒品市场
已经悲惨地

转向合成毒品,主要是芬太尼。

这些新药便宜、
有效且极难服用。

人们实际上是被毒死的。

你能想象这是否是
其他类型的中毒流行病吗?

如果成千上万的人开始

死于毒肉
、婴儿配方奶粉或咖啡怎么办?

我们会将其
视为真正的紧急情况。

我们将立即
提供更安全的替代品。

立法将会发生变化

,我们将
支持受害者及其家人。

但是对于药物过量流行,

我们什么都没做。

我们继续妖魔化毒品
和使用毒品的人

,盲目地
向执法部门投入更多资源。

那么我们应该从这里去哪里呢?

首先,我们应该在北美全面接受、
资助和扩大

减少危害项目

我知道在温哥华这样的地方,

减少伤害一直是
护理和治疗的生命线。

我知道如果不减少伤害,过量死亡的人数

会高得多

我个人认识
数百人

因为减少伤害而活到今天。

但减少伤害只是开始。

如果我们真的想
对这场毒品危机产生影响,

我们需要
就禁止

和刑事处罚进行认真的对话。

我们需要认识到吸毒
首先是一个公共卫生问题,

并转向全面的社会
和健康解决方案。

我们已经有了一个
如何运作的模型。

2001年,葡萄牙
陷入了自己的毒品危机。

吸毒的人很多
,犯罪率高

,吸毒过量流行。

他们无视全球公约,
并将所有毒品持有合法化。

用于毒品执法的资金

被重新用于健康
和康复计划。

结果出来了。

总体药物使用量急剧下降。

过量服用并不常见。

更多的人正在接受治疗。

人们已经
得到了他们的生命。

我们已经
在禁止、惩罚和偏见的道路上走了这么远,

以至于我们对我们给
社会上最弱势群体造成的痛苦漠不关心。

今年
将有更多人

卷入非法毒品交易。

成千上万的孩子将
得知他们的母亲或

父亲因吸毒而入狱。

太多的父母会被

告知他们的儿子或
女儿死于药物过量。

它不必是这样的。

谢谢你。

(掌声)