How economic inequality harms societies Richard Wilkinson

you all know the truth of what I’m gonna

say

I think the intuition that inequality is

divisive and socially corrosive has been

around since before the French

Revolution what’s changed is we now can

look at the evidence we can compare

societies more and less equal societies

and see what inequality does I’m going

to take you through that data and then

explain why the links that I think I’m

going to be showing you exist but first

see what a miserable lot we are I want

to start though with a paradox this

shows you life expectancy against gross

national income how rich countries are

on average and you see the countries on

the right like Norway in the USA a twice

as rich as Israel Greece Portugal on the

left and it makes no difference to their

life expectancy at all there’s no

suggestion of a relationship there but

if we look within our societies there

are extraordinary social gradients in

health running right across society is

again is life expectancy these are small

areas of England and Wales the poorest

on the right the richest on the left not

a difference between the poor and the

rest of us even the people just below

the top have less good health than the

people at the top so income means

something very important within our

societies and nothing between them the

explanation of that paradox is that

within our societies were looking at

relative income or social position

social status where we are in relation

to each other and the size of the gaps

between us and as soon as you’ve got

that idea you should immediately wonder

what happens if we widen the differences

or compress them make the income

differences bigger or smaller and that’s

what I’m going to show you I’m not using

any hypothetical data I’m taking data

from the UN it’s the same as the world

has on the scale of income differences

in these rich developed market

democracies the measure we’ve used sis

because it’s easy to understand and you

can download it is how much richer the

top 20% than the bottom 20% in each

country and you see in the moral

countries on the Left Japan Finland

Norway Sweden the top 20% about three

and a half four times as rich as the

bottom 20% but at the more unequal end

UK Portugal USA Singapore the

differences are twice as big on that

measure we are twice as unequal as some

of the other successful market

democracies now I’m going to show you

what that does to our societies we

collected data on problems with social

gradients the kind of problems are more

common at the bottom of the social

ladder internationally comparable data

on life expectancy on kids maths and

literacy scores on infant mortality

rates homicide rates proportion of the

population in prison teenage birth rates

levels of trust obesity mental illness

rich in the standard diagnostic

classification includes drug and alcohol

addiction and social mobility we put

them the year all in one index are all

weighted equally where country is is

sort of average score on these things

and there you see it in relation to the

measure of inequality I just shown you

which I shall use over and over again in

data the more unequal countries doing

worse on all these kinds of social

problems

it’s an extraordinary close correlation

but if you look at that same index of

health and social problems in relation

to GNP per capita gross national income

there’s nothing there no correlation

anymore we were a little bit worried

that people might think we’d been

choosing problems to suit our argument

and just manufactured this this evidence

so we also looked in we did a paper in

the British Medical Journal on the

UNICEF index of child well-being it has

40 different components put together by

other people

it contains weather

can talk to their parents whether they

have books at home what immunization

rates are like weathers bullying at

school everything goes into it here it

is in relation to that same measure of

inequality kids doing worse in the

morning society’s highly significant

relationship but once again if you look

at that measure of child well-being in

relation to national income per person

there’s no relationship no suggestion of

relationship what all the data I’ve

shown you so far says is the same thing

the average well-being of our societies

is not dependent any longer on national

income and economic growth that’s very

important in poorer countries but not in

the rich developed world but the

difference is between us and where we

are in relation to each other now matter

very much I’m going to show you some of

the separate bits of our index here for

instance is trust it’s simply the

proportion of the population who agree

most people can be trusted comes from

the World Values Survey you see it the

more unequal end it’s about 15% of the

population who feel they can trust

others but in the more equal societies

it rises to 60 or 65% and if you look at

measures of involvement in community

life or social capital very similar

relationships closely related to

inequality I may say we did all this

work twice we did it first on these rich

developed countries and then as a

separate testbed we repeated it all on

the 50 American states asking just the

same question to the more unequal States

to worse on all these kinds of measures

so here is trust from the General Social

Survey of the federal government related

to inequality very similar scatter of a

similar range of levels of trust same

thing is going on basically we found

that almost anything that’s related to

trust internationally is related to

trust amongst the 50 states in that

separate test bed we’re not just talking

about a fluke this is mental illness

w-h-o put together figures using this

same diagnostic interviews on random

samples of the population to allow us to

compare rates of mental illness in each

Society this is the percent of the

population with any mental illness in

the preceding year and it does from

about 8 percent up to 3 times that whole

societies with three times the level of

mental illness of others and again

closely related to inequality this is

violence these red dots are American

states and the blue triangles of

Canadian provinces but look at the scale

of the differences it goes from 15

homicides per million up to 150 this is

the proportion of the population in

prison there’s about a tenfold

difference their log scale up the side

but it goes from about 40 to 400 people

in prison that relationship is not

mainly driven by more crime in some

places that’s part of it but most of it

is about more punitive sentencing

harsher sentencing and the more unequal

societies are more likely also to retain

the death penalty here we have children

dropping out of high school again quite

big differences extraordinarily damaging

if you’re talking about using the

talents of the population this is social

mobility it’s actually a measure of

mobility based on income basically it’s

asking do rich fathers have rich sons

and poor fathers have poor sons or is

there no relationship between the two

and at the more unequal end fathers

income is much more important in the UK

USA and in countries the Scandinavian

countries fathers income is much less

important there’s more social mobility

and as we like to say and I know a lot

of Americans in the audience here if

Americans want to live the American

Dream they should go to Denmark

I’ve shown you just a few things in

italics here I could have shown you a

number of other problems that all

problems that tend to be more common at

the bottom of the social gradient but

there are endless problems with social

gradients that are worse in more unequal

countries not just a little bit worse

but anything from twice as common to ten

times as common think of the expense the

human cost of that I want to go back

there to this graph that I showed you

earlier where we put it all together to

make two points one is that in graph

after graph we find the countries that

do worse whatever the outcome seemed to

be the more unequal ones and the ones

that do well seem to be the Nordic

countries in Japan so what we’re looking

at is general social dysfunction related

to inequality it’s not just one or two

things that go wrong it’s most things

the other really important point I I

want to make on this graph is that if

you look at the bottom Sweden and Japan

there are very different countries in

all sorts of ways the position of women

how closely they keep - no clear family

the opposite ends of the poles in terms

of the rich developed world but another

really important difference is how they

get their great a equality Sweden has

huge differences in earnings and it

narrows the gap through taxation general

welfare states generous benefits and so

on

Japan is rather different though it

starts off with much smaller differences

in earnings before tax it has lower

taxes it has a smaller welfare state and

in our analysis of American States

recite find rather the same contrast the

some states that do well through

redistribution some states that do well

because they have smaller income

differences before tax so we conclude

that it doesn’t much matter how you get

your greater equality as long as you get

there somehow I’m not talking about

perfect equality I am talking about what

exists in rich developed market

democracies

another really surprising part of this

picture is that it’s not just the poor

who affected by inequality there seems

to be some truth in John Dunn’s no man

is an island in the number of studies

it’s possible to compare how people do

in more and less equal countries at each

level in the social hierarchy this is

just one example its infant mortality

some Swedes very kindly classified a lot

of their infant deaths according to the

British Registrar General socio-economic

classification and so it’s

anachronistically a classification by

father’s occupation so single parents go

on their own but then the low wet says

low social class that’s unskilled manual

occupations it goes through towards the

skilled manual occupations and a little

gentler than the junior non manual going

up the high to the professional

occupations doctors lawyers directors of

larger companies you see there that

Sweden does better than Britain all the

way across the social hierarchy the

biggest difference is at the bottom of

society but even at the top there seems

to be a small benefit to being in a more

equal society we show that on about five

different sets of data covering

educational outcomes and health in the

United States and internationally and

that seems to be the general picture

that greater equality makes most

difference at the bottom but has some

benefit even at the top but I should say

a few words about what’s going on I

think I’m looking and talking about the

psychosocial effects of inequality more

to do with feelings of superiority and

inferiority of being valued and devalued

respected and disrespected and of course

those feelings of the status competition

that comes out of that drives the

consumerism in our society it also leads

to status insecurity we worry more about

how we’re judged and seen by others

whether we’re regarded as attractive

clever

all that kind of thing the social

evaluative judgments increase the fear

of there’s social evaluative judgments

interestingly some work parallel work

going on in social psychology some

people reviewed 208 different studies in

which volunteers had been invited into

psychological laboratory and had their

stress hormones their responses to doing

stressful tasks measured and in the

review what they were interested in

seeing is what kind of stresses most

reliably raise levels of cortisol the

central stress hormone and the

conclusion was it was tasks that

included social evaluative threat

threats to self esteem or social status

in which others can negatively judge

your performance those kind of stresses

have a very particular effect on the

physiology of stress now we have been

criticized of course there are people

who dislike this stuff and people who

find it very surprising I should tell

you though that when people criticize us

for picking and choosing data we never

pick and choose data we have an absolute

rule that if our data source has data

for one of the countries we’re looking

at it goes into the analysis our data

source decides whether it’s a reliable

data we don’t otherwise that would

introduce bias what about other

countries there are 200 studies of

health in relation to income inequality

in the academic peer-reviewed journals

this isn’t confined to these countries

here hiding a very simple demonstration

that the same countries the same measure

of inequality one problem after another

why don’t we control for other factors

well we’ve shown you that GNP per capita

doesn’t make any difference

and of course others using more

sophisticated methods in the literature

have controlled for poverty and

education and so on

what about causality correlation in

itself doesn’t prove prove causality we

spend a good bit of time and indeed

people know the causal links quite well

in some of these outcomes a big change

in our understanding of drivers of

chronic of of health in the rich

developed world is how important chronic

stress from social sources is affecting

the immune system the cardiovascular

system or for instance the reason why

violence becomes more common in more

unequal societies is because people are

sensitive to being looked down on I

should say to deal with this we’ve got

to deal with the post-tax things and the

pretax things we’ve got to constrain

income the bonus culture in comes at the

top I think we must make bosses

accountable to their employees in any

way we can I think the take-home message

though is that we can improve the real

quality of human life by reducing the

differences in incomes between us

suddenly we have a handle on the

psychosocial well-being of whole

societies and that’s exciting thank you

you

你们都知道

我要说的话的

真相

看看有什么不等式 我

要带你看看这些数据然后

解释为什么我想

我要向你展示的链接存在但首先

看看我们是多么悲惨

我想从一个悖论开始 这

显示了您的预期寿命与国民总

收入的关系,这些国家的平均富裕程度是多少

,您会看到右侧的国家(

例如美国的挪威)的

富裕程度是左侧的以色列希腊葡萄牙的两倍

,这对他们的

预期寿命完全没有影响 那里没有任何

关系的迹象,但是

如果我们在我们的社会中观察,在整个社会中运行

的健康方面存在非凡的社会梯度,

再次是预期寿命,这些都是很小的 l

英格兰和威尔士地区

右边

最穷

左边最富有 在我们的

社会中,他们之间没有任何关系。

对这个悖论的解释是,

在我们的社会中,我们关注的是

相对收入或

社会地位,我们彼此之间的

关系以及

我们之间差距的大小,一旦你已经 有了

这个想法,您应该立即想

知道如果我们扩大差异

或压缩差异会使收入

差异更大或更小

会发生什么,这就是我要向您展示的内容我没有使用

任何假设数据我

从联合国获取数据 就像世界

在这些富裕的发达市场

民主国家的收入差异规模上一样 我们使用的衡量标准是 sis

因为它很容易理解并且你

可以下载它是如何

每个国家的前 20% 比底层 20% 富裕得多

,你在道德

左侧的国家中看到 日本 芬兰

挪威 瑞典 前 20%

的富人大约是

底层 20% 的三倍半四倍,但更多 不平等的结局

英国 葡萄牙 美国 新加坡

在这个

衡量标准上的差异是两倍大 我们

是其他一些成功的市场

民主国家的两倍 现在我要告诉

你这对我们的社会有什么影响 我们

收集了关于社会梯度问题的数据

这类问题

在社会阶梯的底部更为常见

国际可比

数据 儿童预期寿命 数学和

识字分数 婴儿

死亡率 凶杀

率 监狱人口比例 青少年出生率

信任水平 肥胖 精神

疾病 标准诊断

分类包括吸毒和

酗酒以及社会流动性,我们将

它们放在一年中,所有指数都在一个

国家/地区的权重相同 是

在这些事情上的平均分,

你会看到它与

我刚刚向你展示的不平等程度

有关

密切相关,

但如果你看一下与人均国民总收入 GNP

相关的健康和社会问题的相同指数,

那就没有任何相关性

了,我们有点

担心人们可能会认为我们一直在

选择适合我们论点的问题

刚刚制造了这个证据,

所以我们还查看了我们

在英国医学杂志上发表的一篇关于

联合国儿童基金会儿童幸福指数的论文,它有

40 个不同的组成部分,由其他人组合而成,

它包含天气

可以与他们的父母交谈,他们是否

有 家里的书 免疫

率是什么样的 天气

学校里的欺凌 一切都在这里

与同样的不平等衡量标准有关

孩子们在

早间社会的高度重要的

关系中表现更差,但如果你再一次看

一下与人均国民收入相关的儿童幸福感的衡量标准,

没有任何关系,没有任何关系的暗示

到目前为止我向你展示的所有数据 说的是同样的事情

,我们社会的平均福祉

不再依赖于

国民收入和经济增长,这

在较贫穷的国家非常重要,但

在富裕的发达国家则不然,但

区别在于我们之间以及

我们所处的位置 彼此现在

非常重要,我将在这里向您展示

我们指数的一些单独部分,

例如信任它只是

同意大多数人可以信任的人口比例

来自世界价值观调查,您会看到它

更不平等的结果是大约 15% 的

人口认为他们可以信任

他人,但在更平等的社会中,这一比例

上升到 60% 或 65%,如果你看一下

参与度的衡量标准 社区

生活或社会资本

与不平等密切相关的非常相似的关系

我可以说我们做了两次所有这些

工作,首先在这些富裕的

发达国家做了,然后作为一个

单独的试验台,我们在

美国的 50 个州重复了所有这些工作

向更不平等的州提出同样的问题,

在所有这些措施上变得更糟,

所以这里是来自联邦政府的一般社会

调查

与不平等有关的信任 非常相似的分散

类似的信任水平范围

基本上我们发现同样的事情正在发生

几乎所有与

国际信任有关的事情都与

50 个州之间的信任有关,在那个

单独的测试台上,我们不仅仅是在

谈论侥幸,这是一种精神疾病

,他们使用

相同的诊断访谈

对人口的随机样本进行汇总 让我们可以

比较每个社会的精神疾病发病率

这是

在 t 中患有任何精神疾病的人口百分比

前一年,它从

大约 8% 到 3 倍于整个

社会的

精神疾病水平是其他人的三倍,并且再次

与不平等密切相关 这是

暴力 这些红点是美国

各州和加拿大各省的蓝色三角形,

但 看看

差异的规模,从

每百万人 15 起凶杀案到 150 起这是

监狱中人口的比例,

他们的对数按比例放大了大约 10 倍,

但这种关系从大约 40 到 400 人

在监狱中 不是

主要由某些地方的更多犯罪驱动,

而是其中的一部分,但其中大部分

是关于更惩罚性的量刑

更严厉的量刑,更不平等的

社会也更有可能

在这里保留死刑 我们有孩子

再次从高中辍学

如果您谈论的是使用

人口的才能,那么巨大的差异会非常具有破坏性这是社会

流动性实际上是一种衡量标准

基于收入的流动性基本上是在

询问富有的父亲是否有富有的儿子,

而贫穷的父亲是否有贫穷的儿子,或者

两者之间没有关系,

并且在更不平等的情况下,父亲的

收入在英国

美国和斯堪的纳维亚

国家更为重要 父亲的收入不那么

重要了 社会流动性更大

,正如我们喜欢说的,我知道

在座的很多美国人 如果

美国人想要实现美国

梦,他们应该去丹麦

我已经向你展示了一些事情

斜体字在这里我可以向你展示

一些其他问题,所有

问题往往

在社会梯度的底部更常见,但社会梯度

有无穷无尽的问题,这些问题

在更不平等的国家更糟,

不仅更糟一点,

而且 从两倍常见到常见十倍的任何东西

想想

我想回到那里的成本和人力成本

我之前向您展示的这张图表

,我们把 综合起来

说明两点,一是在一个接一个的图表中

,我们发现

无论结果如何做得更差的国家

似乎更加不平等,

而做得好的国家似乎是日本的北欧

国家,所以我们是

看是与不平等有关的一般社会功能障碍

它不仅仅是一两

件事情出错,而是大多数事情 我

想在这张图表上提出的另一个真正重要的一点是,如果

你看一下瑞典和日本的底部,

就会有非常不同的国家 以

各种方式,女性的地位

与她们保持得多么密切——没有明确的家庭

。就富裕的发达国家而言,两极的另一端,

但另一个

真正重要的区别是她们如何

获得巨大的平等瑞典

在收入和 它

通过税收缩小差距 一般

福利国家慷慨的福利等等

日本是相当不同的,尽管它

开始时的收入差异要小得多

税收 它有较低的

税收 它有一个较小的福利国家

在我们对美国各州的分析中

发现了相同的对比

一些州通过再分配做得很好

一些州做得很好,

因为它们的

税前收入差异较小,所以我们得出的

结论是 你如何

获得更大的平等并不重要,只要

你以某种方式到达那里

受不平等影响的穷人

约翰·邓恩 (John Dunn) 的《没有人

是一座孤岛》在研究数量上

似乎有些道理 可以比较社会等级

中每一层越来越平等的国家的人们的表现

只是一个例子 婴儿死亡率

一些瑞典人非常友好地

根据

英国总登记处的社会经济

分类对他们的许多婴儿死亡进行了分类,等等 这是

一个不合时宜的

父亲职业分类

,所以单亲父母自己

去 专业

职业 医生 律师

大公司的董事 你在那里看到

瑞典在

整个社会等级制度中都比英国做得更好

最大的区别是在社会的底层,

但即使是在社会顶层,

似乎也有一点好处

平等社会,我们在美国和国际上涵盖教育成果和健康的大约五

组不同数据中表明

这似乎是总体情况

,即更大的平等

在底层产生

了最大的影响,但即使在顶层也有一些好处,但我 应该

对正在发生的事情说几句话我

想我正在寻找和谈论

精神病患者 不平等的影响更多

地与

被重视和贬低的优越感和自卑感有关

尊重和不尊重,当然,

那些由此产生的地位

竞争的感觉推动了

我们社会的消费主义,它也导致

了我们更担心的地位不安全感 关于

我们如何被他人评判和看待

我们是否被认为是有吸引力的

聪明

所有这类事情社会

评价判断增加了对社会评价判断的恐惧

有趣

的是社会心理学中正在进行一些平行工作一些

人评论了208个不同

志愿者被邀请进入

心理实验室并测量他们的

压力荷尔蒙他们对压力任务的反应的研究,

并在

审查中他们感兴趣的

是什么样的压力最

可靠地提高皮质醇(

中枢压力荷尔蒙)的水平和

结论 是

包括社会评价的任务吗?

对自尊或社会地位的威胁

其他人可能会对

你的表现产生负面评价 这种压力对压力

的生理有非常特殊的影响

现在我们受到了

批评 当然有些

人不喜欢这些东西,也有人

认为它非常 令人惊讶的是,我应该告诉

你,当人们批评

我们挑选数据时,我们从不

挑选数据,我们有一个绝对

规则,如果我们的数据源有

我们正在研究的国家之一的数据

,它就会进入我们的分析 数据

源决定它是否是可靠的

数据,否则会

引入偏见 其他

国家的情况 学术同行评审期刊中有 200 项

与收入不平等有关的健康研究

这不仅限于这些

国家 非常简单的

证明 相同的国家 相同

的不平等措施 一个接一个的问题

为什么我们不能

很好地控制其他因素 我们 ‘已经告诉你人均国民生产总值

没有任何区别

,当然其他人使用

文献中更复杂的方法

已经控制了贫困和

教育等等,

因果关系

本身并不能证明因果关系我们

花了很多钱 一点时间,事实上

人们非常清楚其中一些结果的因果关系

我们对富裕发达国家慢性健康驱动因素的理解发生了重大变化,

来自社会来源的慢性压力

对免疫系统心血管的影响有多重要

制度或例如

暴力在更

不平等的社会中变得更加普遍的原因是因为人们

对被轻视很敏感我

应该说要处理这个问题我们

必须处理税后的事情和

税前的事情我们’ 必须限制

收入 奖金文化是

最重要的 我认为我们必须让老板

以任何方式对他们的员工负责

我认为带回家

但信息是,我们可以

通过减少我们之间的收入差异来提高人类生活的真正质量,

突然之间我们掌握

了整个社会的心理社会福祉

,这令人兴奋,谢谢