A provocative way to finance the fight against climate change Michael Metcalfe

Will we do whatever it takes
to tackle climate change?

I come at this question
not as a green campaigner,

in fact, I confess to be rather
hopeless at recycling.

I come at it as a professional observer
of financial policy making

and someone that wonders
how history will judge us.

One day,

this ring that belonged to my grandfather

will pass to my son, Charlie.

And I wonder what his generation

and perhaps the one that follows

will make of the two lives
this ring has worked.

My grandfather was a coal miner.

In his time,

burning fossil fuels for energy
and for allowing economies to develop

was accepted.

We know now that that is not the case

because of the greenhouse
gases that coal produces.

But today,

I fear it’s the industry in which I work
that will be judged more harshly

because of its impact on the climate –

more harshly than
my grandfather’s industry, even.

I work, of course,
in the banking industry,

which will be remembered
for its crisis in 2008 –

a crisis that diverted the attention
and finances of governments

away from some really, really
important promises,

like promises made at the Copenhagen
Climate Summit in 2009

to mobilize 100 billion dollars a year

to help developing countries
move away from burning fossil fuels

and transition to using cleaner energy.

That promise is already in jeopardy.

And that’s a real problem,

because that transition
to cleaner energy needs to happen

sooner rather than later.

Firstly,

because greenhouse gases, once released,

stay in the atmosphere for decades.

And secondly,

if a developing economy builds
its power grid around fossil fuels today,

it’s going to be way more costly
to change later on.

So for the climate,

history may judge
that the banking crisis happened

at just the wrong time.

The story need not be this gloomy, though.

Three years ago,

I argued that governments
could use the tools

deployed to save the financial system

to meet other global challenges.

And these arguments are getting
stronger, not weaker, with time.

Let’s take a brief reminder
of what those tools looked like.

When the financial crisis hit in 2008,

the central banks of the US and UK

began buying bonds issued
by their own governments

in a policy known
as “quantitative easing.”

Depending on what happens
to those bonds when they mature,

this is money printing by another name.

And boy, did they print.

The US alone created four trillion
dollars' worth of its own currency.

This was not done in isolation.

In a remarkable act of cooperation,

the 188 countries that make up
the International Monetary Fund, the IMF,

agreed to issue 250 billion
dollars' worth of their own currency –

the Special Drawing Right –

to boost reserves around the world.

When the financial crisis moved to Europe,

the European Central Bank
President, Mario Draghi,

promised “to do whatever it takes.”

And they did.

The Bank of Japan repeated those words –
that exact same commitment –

to do “whatever it takes”
to reflate their economy.

In both cases,

“whatever it takes” meant
trillions of dollars more

in money-printing policies
that continue today.

What this shows

is that when faced
with some global challenges,

policy makers are able to act
collectively, with urgency,

and run the risks of unconventional
policies like money printing.

So, let’s go back
to that original question:

Can we print money for climate finance?

Three years ago,

the idea of using money in this way
was something of a taboo.

Once you break down and dismantle the idea

that money is a finite resource,

governments can quickly get overwhelmed
by demands from their people

to print more and more
money for other causes:

education, health care, welfare –

even defense.

And there are some truly terrible
historical examples of money printing –

uncontrolled money printing –

leading to hyperinflation.

Think: Weimar Republic in 1930;

Zimbabwe more recently, in 2008,

when the prices of basic goods
like bread are doubling every day.

But all of this is moving
the public debate forward,

so much so, that money printing
for the people is now discussed openly

in the financial media, and even
in some political manifestos.

But it’s important the debate
doesn’t stop here,

with printing national currencies.

Because climate change
is a shared global problem,

there are some really compelling reasons

why we should be printing
that international currency

that’s issued by the IMF,

to fund it.

The Special Drawing Right, or SDR,

is the IMF’s electronic unit of account

that governments use to transfer
funds amongst each other.

Think of it as a peer-to-peer
payment network,

like Bitcoin, but for governments.

And it’s truly global.

Each of the 188 members
of the IMF hold SDR quotas

as part of their foreign
exchange reserves.

These are national stores of wealth

that countries keep to protect
themselves against currency crises.

And that global nature is why,

at the height of the financial
crisis in 2009,

the IMF issued those extra
250 billion dollars –

because it served
as a collective global action

that safeguarded countries
large and small in one fell swoop.

But here –

here’s the intriguing part.

More than half of those extra SDRs
that were printed in 2009 –

150 billion dollars' worth –

went to developed market countries
who, for the most part,

have a modest need
for these foreign exchange reserves,

because they have flexible exchange rates.

So those extra reserves
that were printed in 2009,

in the end, for developed
market countries at least,

weren’t really needed.

And they remain unused today.

So here’s an idea.

As a first step,

why don’t we start
spending those unused,

those extra SDRs
that were printed in 2009,

to combat climate change?

They could, for example,

be used to buy bonds issued
by the UN’s Green Climate Fund.

This was a fund created in 2009,

following that climate
agreement in Copenhagen.

And it was designed to channel funds
towards developing countries

to meet their climate projects.

It’s been one of the most
successful funds of its type,

raising almost 10 billion dollars.

But if we use those extra
SDRs that were issued,

it helps governments get back on track,

to meet that promise
of 100 billion dollars a year

that was derailed by the financial crisis.

It could also –

it could also serve as a test case.

If the inflationary consequences
of using SDRs in this way are benign,

it could be used to justify

the additional, extra issuance
of SDRs, say, every five years,

again, with the commitment

that developed-market countries
would direct their share

of the new reserves

to the Green Climate Fund.

Printing international money
in this way has several advantages

over printing national currencies.

The first is it’s really easy to argue

that spending money to mitigate
climate change benefits everyone.

No one section of society benefits
from the printing press over another.

That problem of competing
claims is mitigated.

It’s also fair to say

that because it takes so many countries
to agree to issue these extra SDRs,

it’s highly unlikely that money printing
would get out of control.

What you end up with
is a collective, global action

aimed – and it’s controlled
global action –

aimed at a global good.

And,

as we’ve learned
with the money-printing schemes,

whatever concerns we have
can be allayed by rules.

So, for example,

the issuance of these extra SDRs
every five years could be capped,

such that this international currency
is never more than five percent

of global foreign exchange reserves.

That’s important because it would allay

well, let’s say, the ridiculous
concerns that the US might have

that the SDR could ever challenge
the dollar’s dominant role

in international finance.

And in fact,

I think the only thing that the SDR
would likely steal from the dollar

under this scheme

is its nickname, the “greenback.”

Because even with that cap in place,

the IMF could have
followed up its issuance –

its massive issuance of SDRs in 2009 –

with a further 200 billion
dollars of SDRs in 2014.

So hypothetically,

that would mean that developed countries
could have contributed

up to 300 billion dollars' worth of SDRs

to the Green Climate Fund.

That’s 30 times what it has today.

And you know,

as spectacular as that sounds,

it’s only just beginning to look
like “whatever it takes.”

And just to think what amazing things
could be done with that money,

consider this:

in 2009,

Norway promised one billion dollars
of its reserves to Brazil

if they followed through
on their goals on deforestation.

That program has since delivered
a 70 percent reduction in deforestation

in the past decade.

That’s saving 3.2 billion tons
of carbon dioxide emissions,

which is the equivalent of taking
all American cars off the roads

for three whole years.

So what could we do

with 300 other pay-for-performance
climate projects like that,

organized on a global scale?

We could take cars off the roads
for a generation.

So,

let’s not quibble about whether we can
afford to fund climate change.

The real question is:

Do we care enough about future generations

to take the very same policy risks
we took to save the financial system?

After all,

we could do it,

we did do it

and we are doing it today.

We must, must, must do
“whatever it takes.”

Thank you.

(Applause)

我们会尽一切
努力应对气候变化吗?

我不是作为一个绿色活动家来回答这个问题的

,事实上,我承认我
在回收方面相当绝望。

我是作为
金融政策制定的专业观察者

和想
知道历史将如何评判我们的人。

有一天,

这枚属于我祖父的戒指

将传给我的儿子查理。

我想知道他这一代人

,也许是随后的一代人

将如何看待
这枚戒指的两种生活。

我的祖父是一名煤矿工人。

在他那个时代,

燃烧化石燃料作为能源
和促进经济发展

是被接受的。

我们现在知道,情况并非如此,

因为煤炭会产生温室气体。

但今天,

我担心我工作的行业

因为它对气候的影响而受到

更严厉的评判——
甚至比我祖父的行业更严厉。

当然,我
在银行业工作,

因为
2008 年

的危机而被人们铭记——这场危机将政府的注意力
和资金

从一些非常非常
重要的承诺上转移开来,

比如在哥本哈根
气候峰会上做出的承诺。 2009

年每年动员 1000 亿

美元帮助发展中国家
摆脱燃烧化石燃料

并过渡到使用清洁能源。

这一承诺已经岌岌可危。

这是一个真正的问题,

因为
向清洁能源的过渡需要

尽早而不是推迟。

首先,

因为温室气体一旦释放,就会

在大气中停留数十年。

其次,

如果一个发展中经济体
今天围绕化石燃料建立电网,

那么
以后进行变革的成本将会更高。

因此,对于气候,

历史可能会
判断银行危机发生

在错误的时间。

不过,故事不必如此悲观。

三年前,

我认为政府
可以使用

为拯救金融体系

而部署的工具来应对其他全球挑战。

随着时间的推移,这些论点越来越强,而不是弱。

让我们简要
提醒一下这些工具的外观。

2008年金融危机爆发

时,美国和英国的央行

开始购买
本国政府发行的债券,采取

了一种被
称为“量化宽松”的政策。

取决于
这些债券在到期时会发生什么,

这就是另一个名字的印钞机。

男孩,他们打印了吗?

仅美国就创造了价值四万亿
美元的本国货币。

这不是孤立进行的。

在一项非凡的合作中,

组成国际货币基金组织的 188 个国家

同意发行价值 2500 亿
美元的本国货币

——特别提款权——

以增加世界各地的储备。

当金融危机蔓延至欧洲时

,欧洲央行
行长马里奥·德拉吉

承诺“不惜一切代价”。

他们做到了。

日本央行重复了这些话
——同样的承诺

——“
不惜一切代价”来重新振兴经济。

在这两种情况下,

“不惜一切代价”意味着今天仍在继续的印钞政策
增加了数万亿美元

表明,当
面对一些全球性挑战时,

政策制定者能够采取
集体行动,采取紧急行动,

并冒着印钞等非常规政策的风险

那么,让我们
回到最初的问题:

我们可以为气候融资印钱吗?

三年前,

以这种方式使用金钱
的想法是一种禁忌。

一旦你打破

金钱是一种有限资源的观念,

政府很快就会
被人民要求

为其他原因印制越来越多的
钱所淹没:

教育、医疗保健、福利——

甚至国防。

还有一些真正可怕
的印钞历史例子——

不受控制的印钞——

导致恶性通货膨胀。

想想:1930年的魏玛共和国;

津巴布韦最近,在 2008 年

,面包等基本商品的价格
每天都翻倍。

但所有这一切都在
推动公共辩论向前发展

,以至于
现在

金融媒体甚至
在一些政治宣言中都公开讨论为人民印钞票。

但重要的是,辩论
并不止于此

,印刷本国货币。

因为气候变化
是一个共同的全球问题,

所以我们应该印制国际货币基金组织发行
的国际货币

来为其提供资金有一些非常令人信服的理由。

特别提款权 (SDR)

是国际货币基金组织的电子记账单位

,政府用来相互转移
资金。

把它想象成一个点对点的
支付网络,

就像比特币一样,但是是为政府服务的。

而且它确实是全球性的。 国际货币基金组织

188 个成员国中的每一个都
持有特别提款权配额

作为其
外汇储备的一部分。

这些是各国

为保护
自己免受货币危机而保留的国家财富储备。

这种全球性就是为什么

在 2009 年金融危机最严重的时候

,国际货币基金组织额外发行了
2500 亿美元——

因为它
是一项集体全球行动

,一口气保护了大小国家

但在这里——

这是有趣的部分。

2009 年印制的额外特别提款权中有一半以上(

价值 1500 亿美元)

流向了发达市场
国家,这些国家大多对这些外汇储备

有适度的需求

因为它们具有灵活的汇率。

因此

,至少对于发达
市场国家而言,2009 年印制的那些额外储备

最终并不是真正需要的。

他们今天仍然未使用。

所以这里有一个想法。

作为第一步,

我们为什么不开始
将那些未使用的、

2009 年印制的额外特别提款权

用于应对气候变化?

例如,它们

可以用来购买
联合国绿色气候基金发行的债券。

这是在哥本哈根气候协议之后于 2009 年创建的基金

它旨在引导资金
流向发展中国家,

以实现其气候项目。

它是
同类基金中最成功的基金之一,

筹集了近 100 亿美元。

但是,如果我们使用那些额外
发行的特别提款权,

它可以帮助政府重回正轨

,实现因金融危机而脱轨
的每年 1000 亿美元的承诺

它也可以——

它也可以作为一个测试用例。

如果
以这种方式使用特别提款权的通胀后果是良性的,

那么它可以用来

证明额外
的特别提款权发行是合理的,例如,每五年

再次发行,同时

承诺发达市场国家
将引导它们

在新发行的债券中的份额。

绿色气候基金的储备金。 以这种方式

印制国际货币

与印制本国货币相比有几个优势。

首先,很容易争辩

说,花钱缓解
气候变化对每个人都有好处。

没有任何一个社会阶层
从印刷机中受益。

竞争性
索赔的问题得到缓解。

公平地说

,因为需要这么多国家
同意发行这些额外的特别提款权,

所以印钞不太可能
失控。

你最终得到的
是针对全球利益的集体全球行动

,而且它是受控的
全球行动

而且,

正如我们从印钞计划中了解到的那样,我们所

担心的任何问题都
可以通过规则来缓解。

因此,例如

,可以限制每五年发行这些额外的特别提款权

使这种国际
货币永远不会超过

全球外汇储备的 5%。

这很重要,因为它可以

很好地缓解
美国可能

对 SDR 可能会
挑战美元

在国际金融中的主导地位的荒谬担忧。

事实上,

我认为在这个计划下,SDR 唯一
可能从美元中窃取的东西

就是它的绰号,“美元”。

因为即使有这个上限

,国际货币基金组织本可以

在 2009 年大规模发行特别提款权之后,在 2014

年再发行 2000 亿
美元的特别提款权。

所以假设,

这意味着发达国家本
可以做出贡献

向绿色气候基金提供高达 3000 亿美元的特别提款权

这是今天的 30 倍。

而且您知道,

尽管听起来很壮观,

但它才刚刚开始看起来
像“不惜一切代价”。

想一想
用这笔钱可以做些什么了不起的事情,请

考虑一下

:2009 年,

挪威承诺
向巴西提供 10 亿美元的储备,前提是巴西

能够实现
其森林砍伐目标。

自那以后,该计划在过去十年中
减少了 70% 的森林砍伐

这节省了 32
亿吨二氧化碳排放量

,相当于将
所有美国汽车停在道路

上整整三年。

那么,我们可以

用其他 300

在全球范围内组织的按绩效付费的气候项目做些什么呢?

我们可以让汽车远离
道路一代人。

所以,

让我们不要争论我们是否有
能力为气候变化提供资金。

真正的问题是

:我们是否足够关心后代

以承担与拯救金融体系相同的政策风险

毕竟,

我们可以做到,

我们确实做到了,

而且我们今天正在这样做。

我们必须,必须,必须
“不惜一切代价”。

谢谢你。

(掌声)