The past present and future of nicotine addiction Mitch Zeller

I’m going to tell you a story.

I’m going to tell you a story

about how the deadliest
consumer product imaginable

came to be.

It’s the cigarette.

The cigarette is the only consumer product

that, when used as intended,

will kill half of all long-term users
prematurely, later in life.

But this is also a story

about the work that we’re doing
at the Food and Drug Administration,

and specifically,
the work that we’re doing

to create the cigarette of the future,

that is no longer capable
of creating or sustaining addiction.

A lot of people think that
the tobacco problem or the smoking problem

has been solved in the United States

because of the great progress
that’s been made

over the last 40, 50 years,

when it comes to both
consumption and prevalence.

And it’s true;

smoking rates are at historic lows.

It’s true for both adults and for kids.

And it’s true that those
who continue to smoke

are smoking far fewer cigarettes per day

than at any time in history.

But what if I told you
that tobacco use,

primarily because of firsthand
and secondhand exposure

to the smoke in cigarettes,

remains the leading cause of completely
preventable disease and death

in this country?

Well, that’s true.

And what if I told you
that it’s actually killing more people

than we thought
to be the case ever before?

That’s true, too.

Smoking kills more people each year
than alcohol, AIDS, car accidents,

illegal drugs, murders
and suicides combined.

Year in and year out.

In 2014,

Dr. Adams’s predecessor released

the 50th anniversary
Surgeon General’s report

on smoking and health.

And that report upped the annual
death toll from smoking,

because the list
of smoking-related illnesses

got bigger.

And so it is now conservatively estimated

that smoking kills
480,000 Americans every year.

These are completely preventable deaths.

How do we wrap our heads around
a statistic like this?

So much of what we’ve heard
at this conference

is about individual experiences
and personal experiences.

How do we deal with this
at a population level,

when there are 480,000 moms,

dads, sisters, brothers, aunts and uncles

dying unnecessary deaths
every year from tobacco?

And then what happens
when you think about this trajectory

for the future?

And just do the simple math:

from the time of the 50th anniversary
Surgeon General’s report five years ago,

when this horrible statistic was raised,

just through mid-century –

that’s more than 17 million
avoidable deaths in the United States

from tobacco use,

primarily because of cigarettes.

The Surgeon General concluded

that 5.6 million children
alive in the United States in 2014

will die prematurely later in life
because of cigarettes.

Five point six million children.

So this is an enormous
public health problem for all of us

but especially for us as regulators

at the Food and Drug Administration
and the Center for Tobacco Products.

What can we do about it?

What can we do to reverse this trajectory
of disease and death?

Well, we have an interesting guide
to help unravel issues

like: How did the cigarette
as we know it come to be?

What is the true nature
of the tobacco and cigarette business?

How did the industry behave

in the historically
unregulated marketplace?

And our guide

is previously secret internal documents
from the tobacco industry.

Come with me

in a tobacco industry
document time machine.

Nineteen sixty-three

was 25 years before the Surgeon General
was finally able to conclude

that the nicotine
and cigarettes was addictive.

That did not happen until
the Surgeon General’s report in 1998.

Nineteen sixty-three

was one year before the first-ever
Surgeon General’s report in 1964.

I remember 1964.

I don’t remember
the Surgeon General’s report,

but I remember 1964.

I was a kid growing up
in Brooklyn, New York.

This was at a time

when almost one in two adults
in the United States smoked.

Both of my parents
were heavy smokers at the time.

Tobacco use was so incredibly normalized

that – and this wasn’t North Carolina,
Virginia or Kentucky,

this was Brooklyn –

we made ashtrays for our parents
in arts and crafts class.

(Laughter)

The ashtrays I made were pretty awful,
but they were ashtrays.

(Laughter)

So normalized that I remember seeing
a bowl of loose cigarettes in the foyer

of our house and other houses

as a welcoming gesture
when friends came over for a visit.

OK, we’re back in 1963.

The top lawyer for Brown and Williamson,

which was then the third-largest
cigarette company in the United States,

wrote the following:

“Nicotine is addictive.

We are, then, in the business
of selling nicotine – an addictive drug.”

It’s a remarkable statement,

as much for what it doesn’t say
as for what it does say.

He didn’t say they were
in the cigarette business.

He didn’t say they were
in the tobacco business.

He said they were in the business
of selling nicotine.

Philip Morris in 1972:

“The cigarette isn’t a product,

it’s a package.

The product is nicotine.

The pack is a storage container
for a day’s supply of nicotine.

The cigarette, a dispenser
for a dose unit of nicotine.”

We’ll come back to this
dose unit notion later.

And R.J. Reynolds in 1972:

“In a sense, the tobacco industry
may be thought of as being a specialized,

highly ritualized and stylized segment
of the pharmaceutical industry.

Tobacco products uniquely
contain and deliver nicotine,

a potent drug with a variety
of physiological effects.”

At the time, and for many
decades, publicly,

the industry completely denied addiction

and completely denied causality.

But they knew the true nature
of their business.

And from time to time,

there have been health scares
made public about cigarettes,

going back many decades.

How did the industry respond?

And how did they respond

in this historically
unregulated marketplace?

Going back to the 1930s,

it was with advertising
that heavily featured imagery of doctors

and other health care professionals

sending messages of reassurance.

This is an ad for Lucky Strikes,

the popular cigarette
of the time in the ’30s:

[20,679 physicians
say “Luckies are less irritating.”

Your throat protection
against irritation, against cough.]

(Laughter)

We laugh,

but this was the kind of advertising

that was there to send
a health message of reassurance.

Fast-forward to 1950s, ’60s and ’70s.

And here, again,
in the absence of regulation,

what we’re going to see
is modifications to the product

and product design

to respond to the health
concerns of the day.

This is the Kent Micronite filter.

And here, the innovation, if you will,
was the filtered cigarette.

[Full smoking pleasure …

plus proof of the greatest
health protection ever.]

What the smoker
of this product didn’t know,

what their doctor didn’t know,

what the government didn’t know,

is that this was a filter
that was lined with asbestos –

(Gasps)

so that when smokers
were smoking this filtered cigarette

and still inhaling the chemicals and smoke

that we know are associated
with cancer and lung disease

and heart disease,

they were also sucking down
asbestos fibers.

(Gasps)

In the 1960s and the 1970s,

the so-called innovation
was the light cigarette.

This is a typical brand
of the day called True.

And this is after the Surgeon General’s
reports have started coming out.

And you see the look
of concern on her face.

[Considering all I’d heard,

I decided to either quit
or smoke True.

I smoke True.]

(Laughter)

[The low tar, low nicotine cigarette.]

And then it says, “Think about it.”

And then even below that
in the small print

are tar numbers and nicotine numbers.

What was a light cigarette?

How did it work?

This is an illustration
of the product modification

known as “filter ventilation.”

That’s not a real filter blown up.

That’s just a picture

so that you could see the rows
of laser-perforated ventilation holes

that were put on the filter.

When you look at a real cigarette,

it’s harder to see.

Every patent for this product shows

that the ventilation holes
should be 12 millimeters

from the lip end of the filter.

How did it work?

The cigarette got stuck into a machine.

The machine started
puffing away on the cigarette

and recording tar and nicotine levels.

As the machine smoked,

outside air came through
those ventilation holes

and diluted the amount of smoke
that was coming through the cigarette.

So as the machine smoked,

there really was less tar
and nicotine being delivered

compared to a regular cigarette.

What the tobacco industry knew

was that human beings
don’t smoke like machines.

How do human beings smoke this?

Where do the fingers go?

(Murmurs)

Where do the lips go?

I told you that the patent said

that the holes are 12 millimeters
from the lip end.

The smoker didn’t even know
they were there,

but between fingers and lips,
the holes get blocked.

And when the holes get blocked,
it’s no longer a light cigarette.

Turns out that there’s actually

basically as much nicotine
inside a light cigarette

as a regular cigarette.

The difference was what’s on the outside.

But once you block what’s on the outside,

it’s a regular cigarette.

Congress put FDA in the business
of regulating tobacco products

10 years ago this June.

So you heard the statistics
at the beginning

about the extraordinary contribution
to disease and death that cigarettes make.

We’ve also been paying a lot of attention

to how the cigarette works
as a drug-delivery device

and the remarkable efficiency
with which it delivers nicotine.

So let’s take a look.

When the smoker puffs on the cigarette,

the nicotine from that puff
gets up into the brain

in less than 10 seconds.

Less than 10 seconds.

Up in the brain,

there are these things
called “nicotinic receptors.”

They’re there …

waiting.

They’re waiting for, in the words
of that Philip Morris document,

the next “dose unit of nicotine.”

The smoker that you see outside,

huddled with other smokers,

in the cold,

in the wind,

in the rain,

is experiencing craving

and may be experiencing
the symptoms of withdrawal.

Those symptoms of withdrawal
are a chemical message

that these receptors
are sending to the body,

saying, “Feed me!”

And a product that can deliver the drug
in less than 10 seconds

turns out to be an incredibly efficient
and incredibly addictive product.

We’ve spoken to so many
addiction treatment experts

over the years.

And the story I hear is the same
over and over again:

“Long after I was able
to get somebody off of heroin

or cocaine or crack cocaine,

I can’t get them to quit cigarettes.”

A large part of the explanation
is the 10-second thing.

FDA has it within its regulatory reach

to use the tools of product regulation

to render cigarettes as we know them
minimally or nonaddictive.

We’re working on this.

And this could have a profound
impact at a population level

from this one policy.

We did dynamic population-level
modeling a year ago,

and we published the results
in “The New England Journal.”

And because of the generational
effect of this policy,

which I’ll explain in a minute,

here’s what we project out
through the end of the century:

more than 33 million people

who would otherwise have gone on
to become regular smokers won’t,

because the cigarette
that they’ll be experimenting with

can’t create or sustain addiction.

This would drive the adult smoking rate
down to less than one and a half percent.

And these two things combined

would result in the saving of more than
eight million cigarette-related deaths

that would otherwise have occurred

from the generational impact of this.

Now, why am I saying “generational”?

It’s about kids.

Ninety percent of adult smokers
started smoking when they were kids.

Half of them became regular smokers

before they were legally old enough
to buy a pack of cigarettes.

Half of them became regular smokers
before they were 18 years old.

Experimentation.

Regular smoking.

Addiction.

Decades of smoking.

And then the illness,

and that’s why we’re talking
about a product

that will kill half of all long-term users
prematurely later in life.

The generational impact
of this nicotine-reduction policy

is profound.

Those old industry documents
had a word for young people.

They were described as
“the replacement smokers.”

The replacement smokers
for addicted adult smokers

who died or quit.

Future generations of kids,
especially teens,

are going to engage in risky behavior.

We can’t stop that.

But what if the only cigarette
that they could get their hands on

could no longer create
or sustain addiction?

That’s the public health
return on investment

at a population level over time.

Haven’t said anything about e-cigarettes.

But I have to say something
about e-cigarettes.

(Laughter)

We are dealing with an epidemic
of kids' use of e-cigarettes.

And what troubles us the most,

in combination with the rising numbers
when it comes to prevalence,

is frequency.

Not only are more kids using e-cigarettes,

but more kids are using e-cigarettes
20 or more days in the past 30 days

than at any time since e-cigarettes
came onto the market.

And at FDA, we’re doing
everything that we can

using program and policy,

first to get the word out to kids

that this is not a harmless product

and to make sure that kids
aren’t initiating and experimenting

on any tobacco product,

whether combustion is present or not.

But think about e-cigarettes
in a properly regulated marketplace

as something that could be of benefit

to addicted adult cigarette smokers

who are trying to transition
away from cigarettes.

So, I’ll leave you with this vision:

imagine a world

where the only cigarette
that future generations of kids

could experiment with

could no longer create
or sustain addiction

because of a single policy.

Imagine a world

where health-concerned cigarette smokers,

especially if a policy goes into effect

that takes the nicotine levels down
to minimally or nonaddictive levels,

could transition to alternative
and less harmful forms

of nicotine delivery,

starting with FDA-approved
nicotine medications,

like the gum, patch and lozenge.

And finally,

imagine a world and a properly
regulated marketplace,

whether it’s e-cigarettes
or whatever the technology of the day,

it’s not the product developers
and the marketers

who decide which products come to market

and what claims get made for them,

it’s review scientists at FDA,

who look at applications

and decide, using the standard
that Congress has entrusted us

to implement and enforce,

whether a particular product
should come to market,

because the marketing of that product
and the words of our law

would be appropriate for the protection
of the public health.

These are the kinds
of powerful regulatory tools

that are within our reach

to deal with what remains

the leading cause of completely
preventable disease and death

in the country.

If we get this right,

that trajectory,
those 5.6 million kids,

is breakable.

Thank you.

(Applause)

我要给你讲一个故事。

我将告诉你一个

关于可以想象到的最致命的
消费品

是如何形成的故事。

是香烟。

香烟是唯一的消费品

,如果按预期使用,

会过早地杀死一半的长期使用者
,在以后的生活中。

但这也是一个

关于我们
在食品和药物管理局所做

工作的故事,特别是我们

为创造未来香烟所做的工作

,它不再
能够制造或维持成瘾。

很多人
认为烟草问题或吸烟问题

在美国已经得到解决,

因为

过去 40 年、50 年


消费和流行方面取得了巨大进步。

这是真的;

吸烟率处于历史低位。

成人和儿童都是如此。

确实,
那些继续

吸烟的人每天吸的香烟

比历史上任何时候都要少得多。

但是,如果我告诉你
,烟草使用,

主要是因为第一手
和二手接触

香烟中的烟雾,

仍然是这个国家完全
可预防的疾病和死亡

的主要原因?

嗯,这是真的。

如果我告诉
你它实际上杀死的人

比我们
以前想象的要多怎么办?

这也是真的。

每年因吸烟而死亡的人数
比酒精、艾滋病、车祸、

非法毒品、谋杀
和自杀的总和还要多。

年复一年。

2014 年,

亚当斯博士的前任发布

了 50 周年
外科医生

关于吸烟与健康的报告。

该报告增加了每年
因吸烟而死亡的人数,

因为与
吸烟有关的疾病清单

越来越多。

因此,现在保守估计

,吸烟每年导致
480,000 名美国人死亡。

这些都是完全可以预防的死亡。

我们如何围绕
这样的统计数据进行思考?

我们
在这次会议

上听到的很多内容都是关于个人经历
和个人经历的。

当每年有 480,000 名妈妈、

爸爸、姐妹、兄弟、阿姨和叔叔

死于烟草造成不必要的死亡时,我们如何在人口层面上解决这个问题

然后,
当您考虑

未来的发展轨迹时会发生什么?

做一个简单的数学计算:


五年前外科医生报告 50 周年

时,当这个可怕的统计数据被提出时,

就在本世纪中叶——在美国

,有超过 1700 万
可避免

的烟草使用死亡,

主要是因为香烟。

外科医生得出的

结论是,2014 年美国有 560 万儿童

在晚年会
因为吸烟而过早死亡。

五点六百万儿童。

所以这
对我们所有人来说都是一个巨大的公共卫生问题

,尤其是对我们作为

食品和药物管理局
和烟草产品中心的监管者而言。

我们对于它可以做些什么呢?

我们能做些什么来扭转这种
疾病和死亡的轨迹?

好吧,我们有一个有趣的指南
来帮助解决以下

问题:
我们所知道的香烟是如何形成的?

烟草和卷烟业务的真正本质是什么?

该行业

在历史上
不受监管的市场中表现如何?

我们的

指南以前是
来自烟草行业的秘密内部文件。

和我

一起乘坐烟草行业的
文件时间机器。

1963

是 25 年,外科医生
终于能够得出

结论,尼古丁
和香烟会上瘾。

直到 1998 年外科医生的报告才发生这种情况。1963

年比 1964 年第一次外科医生的报告早一年。

我记得 1964 年。

我不
记得外科医生的报告,

但我记得 1964 年。

我 是一个
在纽约布鲁克林长大的孩子。

当时美国几乎有二分之一的
成年人吸烟。 当时

我的父母
都是重度吸烟者。

烟草的使用非常

正常化——这不是北卡罗来纳州、
弗吉尼亚州或肯塔基州,

而是布鲁克林——

我们在工艺美术课上为我们的父母制作了烟灰缸

(笑声)

我做的烟灰缸很糟糕,
但它们是烟灰缸。

(笑声)

如此正常,以至于我记得
在我们家和其他房子的门厅里看到一碗散装的香烟,

作为一种欢迎的姿态,
当朋友们来拜访时。

好的,我们回到了 1963 年。当时美国第三大卷烟公司

Brown and Williamson 的首席律师

写道:

“尼古丁会让人上瘾。

那么,我们从事的
是销售业务 尼古丁——一种令人上瘾的药物。”

这是一个了不起的声明,

就像
它没有说什么一样,它说了什么。

他没有说他们
从事香烟生意。

他没有说他们
从事烟草行业。

他说他们从事
销售尼古丁的业务。

菲利普莫里斯在 1972 年:

“香烟不是产品,

它是一个包装

。产品是尼古丁

。包装是
储存一天尼古丁的容器

。香烟,是
一个剂量单位尼古丁的分配器。”

我们稍后会回到这个
剂量单位的概念。

和 R.J. Reynolds 在 1972 年:

“从某种意义上说,烟草业
可以被认为是制药业的一个专业化、

高度仪式化和程式化的部分

烟草产品独特地
含有和传递尼古丁,

一种具有多种生理作用的强效药物
。”

当时,
几十年来,

该行业在公开场合完全否认成瘾

,完全否认因果关系。

但他们知道
他们业务的真实性质。

几十年前,人们不时会

公开有关香烟的健康恐慌

业界对此有何反应?

在这个历史上
不受监管的市场中,他们是如何应对的?

回到 1930

年代,广告
中大量展示了医生

和其他医疗保健专业人员

发送安慰信息的图像。

这是 Lucky Strikes 的广告,这是

30 年代当时流行的香烟:

[20,679 名医生
说“幸运不那么刺激”。

保护你的喉咙
免受刺激,防止咳嗽。]

(笑声)

我们笑了,

但这是那种

传达健康信息的广告。

快进到 1950 年代、60 年代和 70 年代。

在这里,再一次,
在没有监管的情况下,

我们将看到
对产品

和产品设计的修改,

以应对当今的健康
问题。

这是 Kent Micronite 过滤器。

在这里,如果你愿意的话,创新
就是过滤香烟。

[充分的吸烟乐趣……

加上有史以来最伟大的
健康保护的证明。]

这个产品的吸烟者不知道,

他们的医生不知道,

政府不知道的

是,这是一个过滤器
内衬有石棉——

(Gasps),

因此当
吸烟者吸着这种过滤后的香烟

并仍然吸入

我们知道
与癌症、肺病

和心脏病有关的化学物质和烟雾时,

他们也在吸食
石棉纤维。

(喘气)

在1960年代和1970年代

,所谓的创新
就是轻烟。

这是当时一个典型的品牌
,叫做 True。

这是在外科医生的
报告开始出来之后。

而你看到
她脸上的担忧。

[考虑到我所听到的一切,

我决定要么戒烟,
要么抽 True。

我抽True。]

(笑声)

[低焦油,低尼古丁香烟。

]然后它说,“想想看。”

甚至
低于小字

的焦油数字和尼古丁数字。

什么是轻烟?

它是如何工作的?

这是

被称为“过滤通风”的产品修改的图示。

这不是一个真正的过滤器被炸毁。

这只是一张图片,

以便您可以看到过滤器上的
一排排激光穿孔通风孔

当你看一支真正的香烟时,

它更难看到。

该产品的每项专利都表明

,通风孔

距过滤器唇端 12 毫米。

它是如何工作的?

香烟卡在了机器里。

机器开始
抽出香烟

并记录焦油和尼古丁含量。

当机器吸烟时,

外部空气通过
这些通风孔进入

,稀释了
通过香烟的烟雾量。

因此,当机器吸烟时,

与普通香烟相比,输送的焦油和尼古丁确实更少。

烟草业所知道的

是,人类
不像机器那样吸烟。

人类如何吸烟?

手指去哪儿了?

(低声)

嘴唇去哪儿了?

我告诉过你,专利说

这些孔距唇端 12 毫米

吸烟者甚至不知道
他们在那里,

但手指和嘴唇之间
的洞被堵住了。

当这些孔被堵塞时,
它就不再是一支淡香烟了。

事实证明,

一支淡香烟

中的尼古丁含量实际上与普通香烟一样多。

不同之处在于外面的东西。

但是一旦你挡住了外面的东西,

它就是一支普通的香烟。 10 年前的今年六月,

国会让 FDA 参与
监管烟草产品的业务

所以你
在一开始

就听到了关于
香烟对疾病和死亡的非凡贡献的统计数据。

我们也一直非常

关注香烟
作为药物输送装置的工作原理

以及它输送尼古丁的卓越效率。

那么让我们来看看。

当吸烟者吸一口香烟时,那口烟中

的尼古丁

在不到 10 秒的时间内进入大脑。

不到10秒。

在大脑中,

有一些
叫做“烟碱受体”的东西。

他们在那里……

等着。


菲利普莫里斯文件的话说

,他们正在等待下一个“尼古丁剂量单位”。

你在外面看到的

吸烟者与其他吸烟者挤在一起,

在寒冷

、风

中、雨中,

正在经历渴望,

并且可能正在
经历戒断症状。

这些戒断症状

是这些
受体向身体发送的化学信息,

说:“喂我!”

一种可以在 10 秒内释放药物的产品

被证明是一种非常有效
且令人上瘾的产品。

多年来,我们与许多
成瘾治疗专家进行

了交谈。

我听到的故事
一遍又一遍:

“在我
能够让某人戒掉海洛因

、可卡因或可卡因之后很久,

我还是无法让他们戒烟。”

解释的很大一部分
是10秒的事情。

FDA 已在其监管范围

内使用产品监管工具

使我们所知道的卷烟具有
最低限度或非成瘾性。

我们正在努力解决这个问题。

这可能会对这一政策
在人口层面

产生深远的影响。 一年前,

我们进行了动态人口水平
建模,

并将结果发表
在“新英格兰杂志”上。

由于这项政策的代际
效应

,我将在一分钟内解释,

这就是我们
在本世纪末的预测:

超过 3300 万

原本
会成为普通吸烟者的人不会,

因为他们将要试验的香烟

不会产生或维持成瘾。

这将把成人吸烟率
降低到不到百分之一半。

这两件事结合

起来将导致超过
800 万例与卷烟有关的死亡的

发生,否则这些死亡可能会

因代际影响而发生。

现在,我为什么说“世代相传”?

是关于孩子的。

90% 的成年吸烟者
在孩提时代就开始吸烟。

他们中的一半

在合法年龄
足以购买一包香烟之前就成为了经常吸烟的人。

他们中的一半
在 18 岁之前就成为了经常吸烟的人。

实验。

经常吸烟。

瘾。

几十年的烟瘾。

然后是疾病

,这就是为什么我们要
谈论一种产品

,它会
在以后的生活中过早地杀死一半的长期用户。

这种减少尼古丁的政策对一代人的影响

是深远的。

那些旧的行业文件
有一个年轻人的话。

他们被描述为
“替代吸烟者”。

死亡或戒烟的成瘾成年吸烟者的替代吸烟者。

未来几代的孩子,
尤其是青少年

,将从事冒险行为。

我们不能阻止它。

但是,如果他们能拿到的唯一一支香烟

不再产生
或维持成瘾呢?

这是

随着时间的推移在人口水平上的公共卫生投资回报。

没说过电子烟。

但我不得不说一些
关于电子烟的事情。

(笑声)

我们正在应对
儿童使用电子烟的流行病。

最让我们困扰的是频率

,再加
上流行率的上升

不仅有更多的孩子使用电子烟,

而且
在过去 30 天中使用电子烟 20 天或更长时间的孩子

比电子烟上市以来的任何
时候都多。

在 FDA,我们正在
尽我们所能

使用计划和政策,

首先让孩子们

知道这不是一种无害的产品

,并确保孩子
们不会开始和

尝试任何烟草产品,

无论是 燃烧是否存在。

但是,请考虑
在适当监管的市场中使用电子烟,

这可能对

试图戒烟的成瘾成年

吸烟者有益。

所以,我会给你留下这样的愿景:

想象一个世界

,未来几代孩子

可以尝试的唯一香烟

不再会

因为单一的政策而产生或维持成瘾。

想象一个世界

,关注健康的吸烟者,

特别是如果一项

将尼古丁水平
降至最低或非成瘾水平的政策生效,

可以从 FDA 批准的尼古丁药物开始过渡到替代
和危害较小

的尼古丁输送形式,

例如 口香糖、贴剂和锭剂。

最后,

想象一个世界和一个
受到适当监管的市场,

无论是电子烟
还是当今的任何技术

,决定哪些产品进入市场

以及为它们做出什么声明的不是产品开发人员和营销人员,

而是审查 FDA 的科学家,

他们查看申请

并使用
国会委托

我们实施和执行的标准来

决定特定产品是否
应该上市,

因为该
产品的营销和我们的法律条款

将适合于
保护公众健康。

这些是我们力所能及
的强有力的监管工具

以应对仍然

是该国完全
可预防的疾病和死亡

的主要原因。

如果我们做对了,

那 560 万孩子的轨迹

是可以打破的。

谢谢你。

(掌声)