The Housing First approach to homelessness Lloyd Pendleton

What do you think would happen

if you invited an individual
who had been living on the street

for many years,

had mental health issues

and was an alcoholic

to move directly from the street

into housing?

We had heard this was being done
in New York City,

and it was called the Housing First model.

We wondered if it would work in Utah.

So to make that determination,
we decided to create a pilot,

and Keta was one of the 17
chronically homeless individuals

we included in this pilot.

She had been on the street
for 20-plus years,

had mental health issues

and was a severe alcoholic.

The first night in her apartment,

she put her belongings on the bed

and slept on the floor.

The next three nights,
she slept out by the dumpster

near the apartment building.

With the aid of her case manager,

she moved back into her apartment

but continued to sleep on the floor
for several nights.

It took over two weeks for her
to develop enough trust and confidence

that this apartment was hers

and would not be taken away from her

before she would start
sleeping in the bed.

Homelessness is a continuing
challenge for many cities

throughout our country.

Our homeless population falls
into three major categories:

those that are temporarily homeless,

about 75 percent;

those that are episodically homeless,

about 10 percent;

and those that are chronically homeless,

about 15 percent.

Chronic homelessness is defined
as an unaccompanied adult

who has been continuously
homeless for a year or more

or more than four times
homeless in three years

that totals 365 days.

This small 15 percent
of the homeless population

can consume 50 to 60 percent
of the homeless resources

available in a community.

In addition, they can cost the community

20,000 to 45,000 dollars a year per person

in emergency services costs,

such as EMT runs,

emergency room visits,
as many of you will be aware,

addictions, interactions with the police,

jail time.

Simply put, this small
population costs a lot.

Based on this reality, the US government
began an initiative in 2003

inviting states and cities and counties

to develop a plan to end
chronic homelessness

in a 10-year period.

The state of Utah accepted
this invitation,

and I was asked to lead this effort.

In 2005, we approved a 10-year plan,

and 10 years later, in 2015,

we reported a reduction
in our chronic homeless population

of 91 percent statewide.

(Applause)

That’s amazing.

When I began this process,
and we began this process,

I realized that I had a limited
understanding of homelessness

and the factors that impacted it,

and that I needed a fairly major change
in my belief, in my thinking,

because I had been raised
with the theory of rugged individualism

and “pull yourself up by the bootstraps.”

That philosophy came from being raised
on our family’s cattle ranch

in a small town
in the western desert of Utah.

On the ranch, you learned
that nothing takes priority

over caring for the cattle,

something always needs fixing

and most importantly,

hard work makes the world right.

It was through that lens
that I would see homeless people.

When I was a teenager, our family
would go into Salt Lake City,

and I would see these homeless people –
“hobos” we called them then –

sitting around on the street,

and I would think,

“You lazy bums, get a job.
Pull yourself up by the bootstraps.”

After high school, I left the ranch,

graduated from college,

went to work for Ford Motor Company
for several years,

then got a job at the Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints

and moved back to Salt Lake City.

During that employment,
I had the opportunity to be loaned out

to the state’s largest homeless shelter

to assist them in developing and improving

their financial
and management capabilities.

While there, I became aware
of a new approach

to dealing with homeless individuals

and drug addicts.

It was called the harm reduction model,

and it consisted of passing out
clean needles and condoms.

And I thought, “Now that
is one stupid idea.”

(Laughter)

“That’s just going to encourage them
to continue that behavior.

Just tell them to stop.”

Several years later, I read
some of the early 10-year plans

to end chronic homelessness

promoted by the federal government.

As I read through those plans,
and I thought,

“Pfft! This is unrealistic.

You can’t end homelessness.

There’s too many personal choices
and factors beyond our control.”

My perspective changed, however,

when I attended a conference in 2003,

where I learned the reason
behind the 10-year plan.

First was this small population
of the homeless group

that was 15 percent
and were very expensive.

That made sense

for a conservative state like Utah.

The second insight was learning
about this Housing First,

or low-barrier housing.

There had been an agency in New York City

that had been inviting
mentally ill homeless individuals

to move directly
from the street into housing.

And they were also allowed to continue
to use drugs and to drink,

just like we can in our homes.

They were, in addition, offered
services – not required to use them –

by on-site case managers

to assist them to adjust
to their new living arrangements

and to stabilize their lives.

They were using the harm reduction model.

And despite my initial low expectations
about hearing about this model,

they were having
an astonishing success rate:

85 percent were still housed
after 12 months.

The third insight

was the importance of developing
a trusting relationship.

Because of the abuse
these individuals have had

throughout most of their lives,

they hardly trust anybody,

and the clean needles and condoms
and low-barrier housing

was a means to begin to develop
a relationship of trust.

Vital.

So as I flew home from this conference,

sitting in the plane
looking out the window,

I realized that my understanding
and perspective about homelessness

was shifting.

And as I stared out that window,

this very strong feeling
and thought came to me

that if there’s any state in the union

that could end chronic homelessness,

it was the state of Utah,

because there’s an underlying feeling

and desire and willingness
to collaborate to serve our neighbors,

including those who are homeless.

A new vision was becoming clear to me
how this could be done.

Now, those of us that attended
the conference said,

“Yeah, these models will work in Utah.”

But when we got back home,
there were many who said,

“Nah, those aren’t going to work.
They won’t succeed here.”

But there was, however,
an affordable housing organization

who was willing to build
our first 100 units.

But they had concerns about having
100 chronically homeless people

in one location.

To address that concern,
we decided to create a pilot

to test that idea while we built
the first 100 units.

We would use existing units
scattered throughout Salt Lake City.

Then we debated:

Should we select fairly
high-functioning homeless persons

or the most challenging
ones we could find?

And this is where my background
on the ranch came into play.

Back then, my mother cooked our meals

and heated the water for our weekly bath

on a wood-burning and coal-burning stove.

And after chopping wood
for that stove all those years,

I’d learned to chop
the big end of the log first,

when I had the most energy.

We decided to use the “big end
of the log first” approach

and selected 17 of the most challenging,

difficult, chronically homeless
people we could find,

because we knew we would learn
the most from them.

Twenty-two months later,

all 17 were still housed,

including Keta,

who today, 11 years later,

is sleeping in her own bed

and is sober.

At the end of this pilot,
one of the young case managers said,

“We used to debate
up at our university classes

which theory of case management
was the most effective.

Now our theory of case management is:

anything necessary to keep them housed.”

We became believers,

and built hundreds of units
over those next 10 years,

leading to the reduction of our statewide
chronic homeless population

of 91 percent.

Now, who are homeless people?

Many people just want them
to go away, to disappear,

not disrupt our lives.

Through this 10-year, 11-year process,
I gained many insights

of why people become homeless.

One of those insights
came to me a few years ago

when I was visiting
with our medical outreach team.

These are our frontline workers

that go out and visit
the street homeless and the prostitutes

to check on their medical health.

One of the team members mentioned

that eight of the prostitutes
had given birth to 31 children

that had become wards of the state.

They also shared that some of the pimps
were their husbands,

and worse yet,

their parents.

These prostitutes,

in their late teens, 20s, early 30s,

were expected to earn
enough money a day to support

a hundred-dollar-a-day heroin addiction,

their living expenses

and their pimp.

And with unprotected sex,
they were paid more,

and predictably,
this would lead to a pregnancy.

Children born under these circumstances
many times end up becoming homeless.

And it’s not helpful to look at
those born under those circumstances,

or a parent that makes their child
a drug addict at age seven,

or a generation of babies
born through drug addiction,

and not feel some despair.

For me, I believe
every person is of value,

no matter who you are.

And it’s not helpful to look
at somebody with this start in life

and blame them for where they are.

(Applause)

No one grows up saying,
“My goal in life is to become homeless.”

And that’s the beauty of the harm
reduction and Housing First model.

It recognizes the complexities
of the different factors

that can shape a human life.

These models meet people where they are,

not where we are

or where we think they should be.

The pilot we did with our 17
taught us many lessons.

When people have been living
on the street for many years,

moving back into housing

requires lots of things to learn.

And Donald

taught us some
of these transition lessons.

His case manager asked him
why he had not turned up the heat

in his cold apartment.

Donald said, “How do you do that?”

He was shown how to use a thermostat.

The case manager also observed

that he was heating the beans
in the can on the stove,

like he had done over
the campfires for many years.

He was shown how to use pots and pans.

We also learned that he had a sister
that he had not seen in 25 years,

who thought he was dead.

She was happy to learn otherwise,

and they were soon reconnected.

Hundreds of people like Keta
and Donald are now housed

and reconnecting with their families.

Also, many of our
communities are incurring

fewer emergency services costs.

I have learned over and over again

that when you listen to somebody’s story
with an open heart,

walk in their shoes with them,

you can’t help but love and care for them

and want to serve them.

This is why I’m committed

to continuing to bring hope and support
to our homeless citizens,

who I consider to be
my brothers and sisters.

Thank you.

(Applause)

如果你邀请一个
在街上

生活多年、

有心理健康问题

、酗酒的

人直接从街上

搬到住房,你认为会发生什么?

我们听说这是
在纽约市进行的

,它被称为“住房优先”模式。

我们想知道它在犹他州是否可行。

因此,为了做出这个决定,
我们决定创建一个试点项目,

而 Keta 是我们纳入该试点项目的 17 名
长期无家可归者

之一。

她已经流落
街头 20 多年,

有心理健康问题,

并且是一个严重的酗酒者。

在她公寓的第一个晚上,

她把随身物品放在床上

,睡在地板上。

接下来的三个晚上,
她睡

在公寓楼附近的垃圾箱旁。

在她的个案经理的帮助下,

她搬回了她的公寓,

但继续在地板上睡
了几个晚上。

她花了两个多星期
才建立起足够的信任和信心

,相信这间公寓是她

的,

在她开始
睡在床上之前不会被夺走。

无家可归是我国
许多城市面临的持续挑战

我们的无家可归人口
分为三大类:

暂时无家可归者,

约占 75%;

那些偶尔无家可归的人,

大约 10%;

那些长期无家可归的人,

大约 15%。

慢性无家可归是
指无人陪伴的

成年人连续
无家可归一年或

三年内无家可归四次以上

,总计 365 天。

这 15%
的无家可归人口

可以消耗社区中 50% 到 60%
的无家可归者

资源。

此外,他们每年可能花费社区

20,000 到 45,000 美元

的紧急服务费用,

例如 EMT 运行、

急诊室就诊,
正如你们许多人所知道的那样,

成瘾、与警察的互动、

入狱时间。

简单来说,这个小
众的成本很高。

基于这一现实,美国政府
于 2003 年启动了一项倡议,

邀请各州和

市县制定一项

在 10 年内结束长期无家可归的计划。

犹他州接受了
这一邀请,

并要求我领导这项工作。

2005 年,我们批准了一项 10 年计划

,10 年后的 2015 年,

我们报告称全
州长期无家可归人口减少

了 91%。

(掌声

)太神奇了。

当我开始这个过程
,我们开始这个过程时,

我意识到我
对无家可归

以及影响它的因素

的理解有限,我需要
在我的信仰和思想上进行相当大的改变,

因为我是从小长大的
用粗犷的个人主义理论

和“自力更生”。

这种理念来自
于我们

在犹他州西部沙漠小镇的牧场上长大。

在牧场上,您
了解到没有什么

比照顾牛更重要,

有些事情总是需要修复

,最重要的是,

努力工作让世界变得美好。

正是通过那个镜头
,我看到了无家可归的人。

当我还是个青少年的时候,我们的家人
会去盐湖城

,我会看到这些无家可归的人——
我们当时称他们为“流浪汉”——

坐在街上

,我会想,

“你们这些懒惰的流浪汉,去 一份工作。
让自己振作起来。”

高中毕业后,我离开牧场,

大学毕业,

在福特汽车公司
工作了几年,

然后在耶稣基督后期圣徒教堂找到了一份工作,

然后搬回了盐湖城。

在那份工作期间,
我有机会被

借给该州最大的无家可归者收容所

,帮助他们发展和提高

他们的财务
和管理能力。

在那里,我意识到
了一种

与无家可归者

和吸毒者打交道的新方法。

它被称为减少伤害模型

,它包括分发
干净的针头和避孕套。

我想,“现在这
是一个愚蠢的想法。”

(笑声)

“这只会鼓励他们
继续这种行为。

告诉他们停下来。”

几年后,我阅读
了联邦政府推动的结束长期无家可归的早期 10 年计划

当我阅读这些计划时
,我想,

“噗!这不现实。

你不能结束无家可归。

有太多的个人选择
和我们无法控制的因素。”

然而,

当我在 2003 年参加一次会议时,我的观点发生了变化,在

那里我了解到
了 10 年计划背后的原因。

首先是
无家可归者群体中的一小部分,

占 15%,
而且非常昂贵。

对于犹他州这样的保守州来说是有道理的。

第二个见解是
了解这种住房优先

或低门槛住房。

纽约市有一个机构

一直在邀请
患有精神病的无家可归者

直接
从街上搬进住房。

他们还被允许
继续吸毒和喝酒,

就像我们在家里一样。

此外,现场个案管理人员还为
他们提供服务(不需要使用这些服务),

以帮助他们适应
新的生活安排

并稳定他们的生活。

他们使用的是减少伤害模型。

尽管我最初
对听到这个模型的期望很低,

但他们
的成功率惊人:12 个月后

仍有 85% 的人被安置

第三个见解


建立信任关系的重要性。

由于
这些人

一生中大部分时间都遭受虐待,

他们几乎不信任任何人,

而干净的针头和避孕套
以及低门槛的住房

是开始
发展信任关系的一种手段。

重要。

所以当我从这次会议飞回家,

坐在飞机上
望着窗外时,

我意识到我
对无家可归的理解和看法

正在发生变化。

当我凝视窗外时,一种

非常强烈的感觉
和想法出现在我脑海中

,如果联盟中有任何一个州

可以结束长期无家可归

的状态,那就是犹他州,

因为有一种潜在的感觉

、渴望和
愿意合作 服务我们的邻居,

包括那些无家可归的人。

我对
如何做到这一点有了新的认识。

现在,我们这些
参加会议的人说,

“是的,这些模型将在犹他州发挥作用。”

但是当我们回到家时,
有很多人说,

“不,那些行不通。
他们不会在这里成功。”

但是,有
一个经济适用房组织

愿意建造
我们的前 100 个单位。

但他们担心在一个地方有
100 名长期无家可归的人

为了解决这个问题,
我们决定

在我们建造前 100 个单元时创建一个试点来测试这个想法

我们将使用
分散在盐湖城各处的现有单位。

然后我们讨论了:

我们应该选择
功能相当强大的无家可归者

还是我们能找到的最具挑战性的
人?

这就是我
在牧场的背景发挥作用的地方。

那时,我妈妈

在烧木柴和烧煤的炉子上煮饭并加热我们每周洗澡的水。

这些年来,在为那个炉子砍柴之后,

我学会了

在我最有精力的时候先砍木头的大头。

我们决定使用“
日志的大端优先”方法,

并从我们能找到的最具挑战性、

困难、长期无家可归的
人中选择了 17 名,

因为我们知道我们会
从他们身上学到最多的东西。

22 个月后,

所有 17 人仍然被安置,

包括 Keta

,11 年后的今天

,她睡在自己的床上

,清醒。

在这个试点结束时,
一位年轻的案例管理人员说:

“我们曾经
在大学课堂上争论

哪种案例管理理论
最有效。

现在我们的案例管理理论是:

任何必要的东西都可以让他们安顿下来。 "

我们成为信徒,


在接下来的 10 年中建造了数百个单元,

从而使我们全州
长期无家可归的人口减少

了 91%。

现在,谁是无家可归的人?

许多人只是希望
他们离开,消失,

而不是扰乱我们的生活。

通过这 10 年、11 年的过程,
我获得了很多

关于人们为什么会无家可归的见解。

几年前,

当我
访问我们的医疗外展团队时,我想到了其中一个见解。

这些是我们的前线工作人员

,他们外出
探访街头无家可归者和妓女

,检查他们的健康状况。

其中一名队员提到

,8名妓
女生下了31个孩子

,成为了国家的监护人。

他们还分享了一些皮条客
是他们的丈夫,

更糟糕的是,

他们的父母。

这些妓女

在 20 多岁、30 岁出头时

,预计每天可以赚到
足够的钱来维持

每天 100 美元的海洛因成瘾、

生活费用

和皮条客。

而在无保护的性行为中,
她们得到的报酬更高,

而且可以预见的是,
这会导致怀孕。 多次

在这种情况下出生的孩子
最终无家可归。

看看
那些在这种情况下出生的人,

或者让他们的
孩子在七岁时吸毒成瘾的父母,

或者
通过吸毒成瘾出生的一代婴儿,

而不感到绝望是没有帮助的。

对我来说,我相信
每个人都是有价值的,

不管你是谁。

以这样的人生起点来看待某人

并指责他们所处的位置是没有帮助的。

(掌声)

没有人长大后会说:
“我的人生目标是无家可归。”

这就是
减少危害和住房优先模式的美妙之处。

它认识

到可以塑造人类生活的不同因素的复杂性。

这些模型在人们所在的地方相遇,

而不是在我们

所在的地方或我们认为他们应该在的地方。

我们用我们的 17 人做的飞行员
给了我们很多教训。

当人们已经
在街上生活了很多年时,

搬回住房

需要学习很多东西。

唐纳德

教了我们
一些过渡课程。

他的个案经理问
他为什么没有

在他寒冷的公寓里调高暖气。

唐纳德说:“你是怎么做到的?”

向他展示了如何使用恒温器。

个案经理还观察

到他正在
炉子上加热罐子里的豆子,

就像他
多年来在营火上所做的那样。

他被示范如何使用锅碗瓢盆。

我们还了解到,他有一个
25 年未见的姐姐,

她以为他已经死了。

她很高兴能学到其他东西

,他们很快就重新建立了联系。

数百名像凯塔
和唐纳德这样的人现在已经被安置

并与家人重新联系。

此外,我们的许多
社区产生

的紧急服务费用也在减少。

我一次又一次地

了解到,当你敞开心扉倾听某人的故事

站在他们的立场上,

你会情不自禁地爱护他们

,想要为他们服务。

这就是为什么我

致力于继续为无家可归的公民带来希望和支持

,我认为他们是
我的兄弟姐妹。

谢谢你。

(掌声)