How do you know whats true Sheila Marie Orfano

A samurai is found dead
in a quiet bamboo grove.

One by one, the crime’s only known
witnesses recount their version

of the events that transpired.

But as they each tell their tale,

it becomes clear that every testimony
is plausible, yet different.

And each witness implicates themselves.

This is the premise of “In a Grove,”
a short story published in the early 1920s

by Japanese author Ryūnosuke Akutagawa.

Though many know this tale of warring
perspectives by a different name:

“Rashomon.”

In 1950, Japanese filmmaker Akira Kurosawa
adapted two of Akutagawa’s stories

into one film.

This movie introduced the world
to an enduring cultural metaphor

that has transformed our understanding
of truth, justice and human memory.

The Rashomon effect describes a situation

in which individuals give significantly
different but equally conceivable accounts

of the same event.

Often used to highlight the unreliability
of eyewitnesses,

the Rashomon effect usually occurs
under two specific conditions.

The first: there’s no evidence
to verify what really happened.

And the second: there’s pressure
to achieve closure,

often provided by an authority figure
trying to identify the definitive truth.

But the Rashomon effect undermines the
very idea of a singular, objective truth.

In the source material,

Akutagawa and Kurosawa use
the tools of their media

to give each character’s testimony
equal weight,

transforming each witness
into an unreliable narrator.

Without any hints on who’s sharing
the most accurate account,

the audience can’t tell which
character to trust.

Instead, each testimony takes
on a truthful quality,

and the audience is left doubting
their convictions

as they guess who ended
the samurai’s life.

Some might find this frustrating because
the plot subverts expectations

of how mysteries usually end.

But by refusing to provide a clear answer,

these two artists capture the messiness
and complexity of truth and human memory.

Neuroscientists have found
that when we form a memory,

our interpretation of visual information
is influenced

by our previous experiences
and internal biases.

Some of these biases are unique
to individuals,

but others are more universal.

For example, egocentric bias
can influence people

to subconsciously reshape their memories

in ways that cast a positive light
on their actions.

Even if we were able to encode
a memory accurately,

recalling it incorporates new information
that changes the memory.

And when we later recall that event,

we typically remember the embellished
memory instead of the original experience.

These underlying psychological
phenomena mean that the Rashomon effect

can pop up anywhere.

In biology, scientists starting
from the same dataset

and applying the same analytical methods,
frequently publish different results.

Anthropologists regularly grapple with
the impact personal backgrounds can have

on an expert’s perception.

In one famous case, two anthropologists
visited the Mexican village of Tepoztlan.

The first researcher described life
in the town as happy and contented,

while the second recorded residents
as paranoid and disgruntled.

Experts aside, the Rashomon effect can
also impact the general public,

particularly when it comes to the
perception of complicated world events.

For example, following a 2015
security summit

between the United States
and leaders from the Arab States,

media reports about the summit
varied enormously.

Some stated that it had gone smoothly,
while others called it a complete failure.

It’s tempting to fixate on why we
have competing perceptions,

but perhaps the more important question
the Rashomon effect raises is,

what is truth anyway?

Are there situations when
an “objective truth” doesn’t exist?

What can different versions
of the same event tell us

about the time, place and people involved?

And how can we make group decisions
if we’re all working

with different information, backgrounds,
and biases?

Like most questions,
these don’t have a definitive answer.

But the enduring importance
of Akutagawa’s story

suggests there may be value
in embracing the ambiguity.

一名武士被发现死
在一片安静的竹林中。

唯一已知的犯罪
证人一一讲述了他们

对所发生事件的看法。

但是当他们每个人讲述他们的故事时,

很明显每个证词
都是合理的,但又是不同的。

每个证人都暗示自己。

这就是日本作家芥川龙之介
在 1920 年代初发表的短篇小说《In a Grove》的前提

尽管许多人都知道这个交战
观点的故事有一个不同的名字:

“罗生门”。

1950 年,日本电影制作人黑泽明
将芥川的两个故事改编

成一部电影。

这部电影向世界介绍
了一个经久不衰的文化隐喻

,它改变了我们
对真理、正义和人类记忆的理解。

罗生门效应描述

了个人对同一事件给出显着
不同但同样可以想象的描述

的情况。

常用于强调目击者的不可靠

,罗生门效应通常
在两种特定条件下发生。

第一个:没有证据
可以证实到底发生了什么。

第二个:
实现关闭的压力,

通常由
试图确定最终真相的权威人物提供。

但罗生门效应破坏
了单一、客观真理的观念。

在原始资料中,

芥川和黑泽
利用媒体工具

赋予每个角色的证词
同等的权重,

将每个证人都
变成了一个不可靠的叙述者。

如果没有任何关于谁在
分享最准确的帐户的提示

,观众就无法判断该
信任哪个角色。

相反,每个证词
都具有真实的品质

,观众在

猜测谁结束
了武士的生命时,会怀疑他们的信念。

有些人可能会觉得这很令人沮丧,因为
这个情节颠覆了人们

对谜团通常如何结束的预期。

但是通过拒绝提供明确的答案,

这两位艺术家捕捉到
了真相和人类记忆的混乱和复杂性。

神经科学家发现
,当我们形成记忆时,

我们对视觉信息的解释

受到我们以前的经历
和内部偏见的影响。

其中一些偏见是
个人独有的,

但其他偏见更为普遍。

例如,以自我为中心的偏见
会影响

人们潜意识地重塑他们的记忆

,从而
对他们的行为产生积极影响。

即使我们能够
准确地对记忆进行编码,

回忆它
也会包含改变记忆的新信息。

当我们后来回忆起那件事时,

我们通常会记住经过修饰的
记忆,而不是最初的经历。

这些潜在的心理
现象意味着罗生门效应

可以在任何地方出现。

在生物学中,科学家们
从相同的数据集开始

并应用相同的分析方法,
经常会发布不同的结果。

人类学家经常努力解决
个人背景可能

对专家的看法产生的影响。

在一个著名的案例中,两位人类学家
访问了墨西哥的 Tepoztlan 村。

第一位研究
人员将镇上的生活描述为快乐和满足,

而第二位研究人员则将居民描述
为偏执和不满。

除了专家之外,罗生门效应
也会影响公众,

尤其是在
对复杂世界事件的感知方面。

例如,在 2015

年美国
与阿拉伯国家领导人之间的安全峰会之后,

媒体对峰会的报道
千差万别。

一些人说它进展顺利,
而另一些人则称它完全失败了。

人们很容易关注为什么我们
会有相互竞争的看法,

但也许罗生门效应提出的更重要的
问题是,

究竟什么是真理?

是否
存在“客观事实”不存在的情况?

同一事件的不同版本可以告诉我们

有关时间、地点和参与人员的哪些信息?

如果我们都在

处理不同的信息、背景
和偏见,我们如何做出集体决策?

像大多数问题一样,
这些问题没有明确的答案。


芥川故事的持久重要性

表明
,接受这种模棱两可可能是有价值的。