Ending CounterTerrorism as we know it

hello

i’m fenulia nielan professor of law at

the queen’s university of belfast

and the united nations special reporter

on protection and promotion of human

rights and fundamental freedoms while

countering terrorism

and today i’m going to talk about the

end of counterterrorism as we know it

so counterterrorism is not new and

neither is terrorism

states have long struggled to address

the causes

consequences and harms that result from

terrorism

not least because they have strained to

find an agreed global definition of

terrorism

but in the smoldering ashes of the twin

towers

and the ruins of the u.s pentagon on 9

11

a new era of global counterterrorism was

born

some of that was immediately visible in

the u.s

invasion of afghanistan and the clear

articulation

of a need for accountability and justice

for the victims

other pieces of it including the now

maligned discredited war on terror

as well as the grim policies of

rendition and torture

best captured by the images of orange

jumpsuits and men in cages

illuminated the dark dark side of

counter-terrorism

it’s alongside these images that a more

profound

global shift was taking place it was a

deep

and seismic shift as the united nations

states and regional bodies

embraced global counterterrorism

and the question is what has that

embraced delivered us

well it’s brought us 20 years of unju

enduring and unending violence it has

emboldened and enabled authoritarianism

and undermined democracy from within

it has allowed states the liberty to

define

terrorism on their own terms without

interference

thus making the humanitarian the civil

rights activist

the echoer here the women’s rights

defender

a terrorist human rights protection is

under severe and undulating

strain and counter-terrorism has been an

active and central participant in that

outcome

civicus a leading human rights

organization estimates that civic space

is restricted or impaired

in 111 countries in 2019

300 human rights defenders were killed

including a rising number of women human

rights defenders

these short snapshots are not generic

they’re intimately connected with

and sustained by national security

practices

and the use of counterterrorism measures

as a normalized

exception across the globe

they are exemplified in stories

of women’s human rights activist lujan

al-haflui charged with terrorism because

she claims

saudi arabian women have universal human

rights including the right to drive

seen in the arrest and detention of

three human rights

defenders uh in egypt from

a famous and old egyptian human rights

organization called the egyptian

initiative

for personal rights arrested for

terrorism because they hosted foreign

diplomats and briefed them

on their human rights work in that

country

it is evidenced in the abandonment of

hundreds of children in camps in

northeast syria

branded as terrorist affiliates because

their parents

are believed to have been affiliated

with isis

counterterrorism is not making us

more free and more secure but operating

as a convenient cover for the systematic

violation of human rights

across the globe

so let’s inspect this global

counterterrorism

architecture a little more closely to

understand it a little better

after 9 11 the united nations created a

counter-terrorism committee

serviced by a special political mission

the counter-terrorism executive

directorate

to regulate global counter-terrorism

these bodies are fueled by multiple

security council resolutions

that have built a global regulatory

framework on terrorism

that includes literally everything from

financing to biometrics

borders to criminal prosecution

surveillance to airline passenger

information

in addition in 2017 the united nations

established

an office of counterterrorism an

innocuously named

coordination mechanism yielding an

exceptional budget

and increased capacity and power

to provide counter-terrorism support and

solutions

to almost every problem including those

in my view that should in reality be

left where they are

well outside counter-terrorism including

education

health children’s rights development and

women’s rights

this growing expanding and powerful

counterterrorism architecture within the

un

is both a human rights light and a civil

society

free zone despite all of the evidence

that tells us that human rights and the

rule of law must be at the

heart of security strategies in order to

be successful

in the long term and embedded in the

long term

states and the united nations have at

best treated

human rights as that unwelcome cousin at

a wedding

or at worst disinviting human rights

actors from the counter-terrorism party

so the question is what do we do

wishing good will on human rights will

not make human rights magically appear

in the global counter-terrorism

architecture

as well as in its day-to-day programming

and without a commitment to

fundamentally undoing

and revisioning the existing

counter-terrorism architecture

and the strategy we have we are all

facing and watching

rome burn what does this mean in order

to change it

it means reimagining security and

counter-terrorism for the 21st century

i think we need to do four things the

first

is to re-think security fundamentally

understanding at a visceral level the 20

years of human rights-free

counter-terrorism has not worked

and may have been extraordinarily

counterproductive

and more of the same will not serve us

well in the future second we need a

serious debate

about the current size effectiveness

and the added value of the counter

terrorism architecture

as it currently is constituted and

paid for and to assess

whether it’s necessary in the short term

we need remedial action that would which

is number three

which would involve establishing a

standalone and adequately funded

human rights oversight entity within the

global

counterterrorism architecture and

ensuring

that it’s adequately supported finally

and fourthly counterterrorism without

the involvement of civil society

is a policy and a practice so devoid

of meaningful substance with the

implementation

of human security on the ground that it

is barely worth talking about

and why should we undo after all of this

argumentation why should we undo the

global counterterrorism architecture

because first of all

it’s not working in fact we don’t really

know much about what it does because we

haven’t

paused in 20 years to evaluate it

secondly because as those of us who have

lived and worked

in northern ireland know undoing

violence

and the underlying issues that propel it

is deeply painful and complicated

long-term work and finally

we should undo it because we can do

better

and doing better means integrating the

rule of law

and human rights at every step this

means at a minimal

that we clearly say defending human

rights

is not terrorism defending women’s

rights

is not terrorism and abandoning children

to life in sub-human conditions

in the camps of the arid deserts of

north east syria

diminishes us all and makes us less safe

20 years after 9 11 it’s beyond

time to end counter terrorism and as we

know it

to open up and refresh our toolkits and

to recognize that quick fix solutions to

complex problems don’t work

and that only when we place the dignity

and value of the human

person at the beating heart center

of what we do will we be secure

you

你好,

我是贝尔法斯特女王大学法学教授,联合国反恐

中保护和促进

人权和基本自由特别记者

,今天我要谈谈

我们所知道的反恐的终结

因此,反恐并不新鲜,

恐怖主义国家也不是

长期以来一直在努力解决恐怖主义

造成的因果关系和危害,这

不仅是因为它们竭力

寻找全球公认的恐怖主义定义,

而且是在双子塔的阴燃灰烬

和 美国五角大楼的废墟于 9

月 11 日

诞生

了一个新的全球反恐时代,其中一些在美国入侵阿富汗时立即可见,

并明确

表明需要为受害者追究责任和伸张正义

其他部分包括现在受到

诽谤的 名誉扫地的反恐战争

以及严酷的

引渡和

酷刑政策 橙色

连身衣和笼子里的男人的图像

照亮了

反恐的阴暗面 与这些图像一起,更

深刻的

全球转变正在发生 这是一个

深刻

而震撼的转变,因为联合国

国家和区域机构

接受了全球反恐

和 问题是,它所

拥抱的东西给我们

带来了很好的帮助它给我们带来了 20 年的 unju

持久和无休止的暴力它

鼓励并促成了威权主义

并从内部破坏了民主

它允许各国自由地

根据自己的条件定义恐怖主义而不受

干涉,

从而使 人道主义者 民权

活动家 此处的回声者 妇女权利

捍卫者

恐怖主义 人权保护正

面临严重和波动的

压力,反恐一直

是该结果的积极和核心

参与者 公民社会 领先的人权

组织估计公民空间

受到限制或

在 111 个国家/地区受损 2019 年有

300 名人权捍卫者被杀,

其中包括越来越多的女性

人权捍卫者

这些简短的快照并不通用,

它们与国家安全实践密切相关,

并由国家安全

实践

和反恐措施

作为全球常态化的

例外来维持,

它们就是例证 在

妇女人权活动家 lujan

al-haflui 被指控犯有恐怖主义罪的故事中,因为

她声称

沙特阿拉伯妇女拥有普遍的

人权,包括驾驶权

人权

组织称埃及

个人权利倡议因

恐怖主义而被捕,因为他们接待了外国

外交官并向他们介绍了他们

在该国的人权工作

被认为是

加入伊斯兰国

反恐并不是让我们

更自由、更安全,而是

为全球系统性侵犯人权行为提供方便的掩护,

所以让我们更仔细地检查一下这个全球

反恐

架构,以便在 9

点之后更好地理解它

11 联合国设立了一个

反恐委员会,

由一个特别政治任务

负责管理全球反恐问题的反恐执行

这些机构受到多项安全理事会决议的推动,这些

决议建立了一个全球

反恐监管框架

,几乎涵盖了一切 从

融资到生物识别

边界到刑事起诉

监视到航空公司乘客

信息此外,联合国在 2017 年

设立

了一个反恐办公室,这是一个

无害的

协调机制,产生了

特殊的预算

并增加

了提供反恐服务的能力和权力

几乎所有问题的恐怖主义支持和解决方案,

包括我认为实际上应该

在反恐之外的问题,包括

教育、

健康、儿童权利发展和

妇女权利

,联合国内部这个日益扩大和强大的反恐架构

既是人类

尽管所有证据

都告诉我们,人权和

法治必须

成为安全战略的核心,才能

长期取得成功并融入

国家和 联合国

充其量将

人权视为婚礼上不受欢迎的表亲,

或者最坏的情况是不邀请人权

行为者加入反恐党,

所以问题是我们该怎么做,

希望人权方面的善意

不会让人权神奇地出现

在 全球反恐

架构及其日常规划

和没有承诺

从根本上取消

和修改现有

的反恐架构

和我们都面临的战略

,看着

罗马燃烧这意味着什么

要改变它,

这意味着重新构想

21 世纪的安全和反恐,

我认为我们需要 做四件事,

首先

是从根本上重新思考安全问题,从

根本上理解 20

年的无人权

反恐没有奏效,

而且可能会

适得其反,

而且更多同样的事情对我们没有

好处 未来第二个,我们需要

就目前的规模有效性

和反恐架构的附加价值进行认真的辩论,

因为它目前是构成和

支付的,并评估

在短期内是否有必要

我们需要采取补救行动,这将

是第三

个 将涉及在全球计数范围内建立一个

独立且资金充足的

人权监督实体

反恐架构并

确保最终

和第四次在

没有民间社会参与的情况下充分支持反恐

是一项政策和实践

,在实地实施人类安全方面缺乏有意义的实质内容

,几乎不值得谈论

,我们为什么要撤销 在所有这些争论之后,

为什么我们应该撤消

全球反恐架构,

因为首先

它不起作用,事实上我们并不真正

了解它的作用,因为我们

在 20 年内没有停下来评估它,

其次因为作为那些 我们在北爱尔兰

生活和工作过的人都

知道,消除

暴力

和推动暴力的根本问题

是非常痛苦和复杂

的长期工作,最后

我们应该消除它,因为我们可以做得更好

,做得更好意味着将

法治

与人类 每一步都有权利 这至少

意味着我们清楚地说捍卫人权

并不可怕 捍卫妇女

权利

的 orism 不是恐怖主义,

在叙利亚东北

部干旱沙漠的营地中将儿童遗弃在非人的条件下生活,这会

削弱我们所有人,并使我们更不安全。

9 11 后 20 年,现在是

结束反恐的时候了,因为 我们

知道打开和更新我们的工具包

并认识到对复杂问题的快速解决方案是

行不通

的,只有当我们将人类的尊严和价值置于我们工作

的跳动心脏中心

时,我们才会成为 保护