How one journalist risked her life to hold murderers accountable Christina Greer

In March of 1892,

three Black grocery store owners
in Memphis, Tennessee,

were murdered by a mob of white men.

Lynchings like these were happening
all over the American South,

often without any subsequent legal
investigation

or consequences for the murderers.

But this time,

a young journalist and
friend of the victims

set out to expose the truth
about these killings.

Her reports would shock the nation

and launch her career as an
investigative journalist,

civic leader, and civil rights advocate.

Her name was Ida B. Wells.

Ida Bell Wells was born into slavery
in Holly Springs, Mississippi

on July 16, 1862, several months before
the Emancipation Proclamation

released her and her family.

After losing both parents and a brother
to yellow fever at the age of 16,

she supported her five remaining siblings

by working as a schoolteacher
in Memphis, Tennessee.

During this time,

she began working as a journalist.

Writing under the pen name “Iola,”

by the early 1890s she gained
a reputation

as a clear voice against racial injustice

and become co-owner and editor

of the Memphis Free Speech
and Headlight newspaper.

She had no shortage of material:

in the decades following the Civil War,

Southern whites attempted to reassert
their power

by committing crimes against Black people

including suppressing their votes,

vandalizing their businesses,
and even murdering them.

After the murder of her friends,

Wells launched an investigation
into lynching.

She analyzed specific cases through
newspaper reports and police records,

and interviewed people who had lost
friends and family to lynch mobs.

She risked her life
to get this information.

As a Black person investigating racially
motivated murders,

she enraged many of the same southern
white men involved in lynchings.

Her bravery paid off.

Most whites had claimed and
subsequently reported

that lynchings were responses to criminal
acts by Black people.

But that was not usually the case.

Through her research,

Wells showed that these murders
were actually a deliberate,

brutal tactic to control or punish
black people who competed with whites.

Her friends, for example,

had been lynched when their grocery store

became popular enough to divert business
from a white competitor.

Wells published her findings in 1892.

In response, a white mob destroyed
her newspaper presses.

She was out of town when they struck,

but they threatened to kill her
if she ever returned to Memphis.

So she traveled to New York,

where that same year she re-published
her research in a pamphlet titled

Southern Horrors: Lynch Law
in All Its Phases.

In 1895, after settling in Chicago,

she built on Southern Horrors in a longer
piece called The Red Record.

Her careful documentation of the horrors
of lynching

and impassioned public speeches
drew international attention.

Wells used her newfound fame
to amplify her message.

She traveled to Europe,

where she rallied European outrage against
racial violence in the American South

in hopes that the US government and public
would follow their example.

Back in the US,

she didn’t hesitate to confront powerful
organizations,

fighting the segregationist
policies of the YMCA

and leading a delegation
to the White House

to protest discriminatory
workplace practices.

She did all this while
disenfranchised herself.

Women didn’t win the right to vote
until Wells was in her late 50s.

And even then, the vote was primarily
extended to white women only.

Wells was a key player in the battle
for voting inclusion,

starting a Black women’s
suffrage organization in Chicago.

But in spite of her deep commitment
to women’s rights,

she clashed with white leaders
of the movement.

During a march for women’s
suffrage in Washington D.C.,

she ignored the organizers’ attempt
to placate Southern bigotry

by placing Black women in the back,

and marched up front alongside
the white women.

She also chafed with other
civil rights leaders,

who saw her as a dangerous radical.

She insisted on airing, in full detail,
the atrocities taking place in the South,

while others thought doing so would be
counterproductive

to negotiations with white politicians.

Although she participated in the founding
of the NAACP,

she was soon sidelined
from the organization.

Wells’ unwillingness to compromise any
aspect of her vision of justice

shined a light on the weak points
of the various rights movements,

and ultimately made them stronger—

but also made it difficult for her
to find a place within them.

She was ahead of her time,

waging a tireless struggle
for equality and justice

decades before many had even begun
to imagine it possible.

1892 年 3 月

,田纳西州孟菲斯的三名黑人杂货店老板

被一群白人男子谋杀。

像这样的私刑
在美国南部各地发生,

通常没有任何后续的法律
调查

或对凶手造成后果。

但这一次,

一位年轻的记者和
受害者的朋友

开始揭露
这些杀戮的真相。

她的报道将震惊全国,

并开始了她作为
调查记者、

公民领袖和民权倡导者的职业生涯。

她的名字是艾达·B·威尔斯。

艾达·贝尔·威尔斯于 1862 年 7 月 16 日出生
在密西西比州霍利斯普林斯的奴隶制中

,几个月
后,解放宣言

释放了她和她的家人。

在 16 岁时失去双亲和一个兄弟
患黄热病后,

她通过

在田纳西州孟菲斯市担任教师来养活剩下的五个兄弟姐妹。

在此期间,

她开始从事记者工作。 到 1890 年代初期,她

以笔名“Iola”写作,以

反对种族不公正的清晰声音而闻名,

成为孟菲斯言论自由
和大灯报的共同所有人和编辑。

她不乏材料

:在内战后的几十年里,

南方白人试图

通过对黑人犯下罪行来重申他们的权力,

包括压制他们的选票、

破坏他们的企业,
甚至谋杀他们。

在她的朋友被谋杀后,

威尔斯对
私刑展开调查。

她通过
报纸报道和警方记录分析了具体案件,

并采访了
因私刑而失去朋友和家人的人。

她冒着生命危险
获得了这些信息。

作为一名调查
出于种族动机的谋杀案的黑人,

她激怒了许多
参与私刑的南方白人。

她的勇敢得到了回报。

大多数白人声称并
随后报告

说,私刑是对
黑人犯罪行为的回应。

但通常情况并非如此。 威尔斯

通过她的研究

表明,这些
谋杀实际上是一种蓄意、

残酷的策略,旨在控制或惩罚
与白人竞争的黑人。

例如,当她的朋友

们的杂货店

变得流行到足以
从白人竞争对手那里转移业务时,她的朋友们就被处以私刑。

威尔斯在 1892 年发表了她的发现。

作为回应,一群白人暴徒摧毁
了她的报纸印刷机。

他们袭击时她不在城里,

但他们威胁说
如果她回到孟菲斯就会杀了她。

于是她前往纽约

,同年她
在一本名为《

南方恐怖:
所有阶段的林奇法》的小册子中重新发表了她的研究。

1895 年,在芝加哥定居后,

她在《南方恐怖》的基础上创作了
一部名为《红色唱片》的较长作品。

她对私刑的恐怖

和慷慨激昂的公开演讲的仔细记录
引起了国际关注。

威尔斯利用她新获得的名声
来扩大她的信息。

她前往欧洲

,集结欧洲
对美国南部种族暴力的愤怒

,希望美国政府和公众
能够效仿。

回到美国后,

她毫不犹豫地与强大的
组织

对抗
,与基督教青年会的种族隔离政策作斗争,

并率领代表团
前往

白宫抗议
工作场所的歧视性做法。

她做了这一切,同时
剥夺了自己的权利。

直到威尔斯 50 多岁时,女性才获得投票权。

即便如此,投票主要
还是只针对白人女性。

威尔斯是
争取投票包容性的关键人物,他在芝加哥

创办了一个黑人妇女
选举权组织。

但是,尽管她对妇女权利做出了坚定的承诺

但她与该运动的白人领导人发生了冲突

在华盛顿特区的妇女选举权游行中,

她无视组织者试图

通过将黑人妇女置于后面来安抚南方偏执的企图,


与白人妇女一起前进。

她还与其他
民权领袖

感到恼火,他们认为她是一个危险的激进分子。

她坚持要详细播出
发生在南方的暴行,

而其他人则认为这样做会对

与白人政客的谈判产生反效果。

尽管她参与
了全国有色人种协进会的创立,但

她很快就被
该组织边缘化了。

威尔斯不愿妥协
她正义愿景的任何方面,这让她发现

了各种权利运动的弱点,

并最终使它们变得更强大——

但也让她
很难在其中找到一席之地。

她走在了时代的前面,

在许多人甚至开始想象这可能之前几十年,就为平等和正义进行了不懈的斗争