The language of lying Noah Zandan

“Sorry, my phone died.”

“It’s nothing. I’m fine.”

“These allegations
are completely unfounded.”

“The company was not aware
of any wrongdoing.”

“I love you.”

We hear anywhere
from 10 to 200 lies a day,

and we spent much of our history
coming up with ways to detect them,

from medieval torture
devices to polygraphs,

blood-pressure and breathing monitors,
voice-stress analyzers,

eye trackers, infrared brain scanners,

and even the 400-pound
electroencephalogram.

But although such tools have worked
under certain circumstances,

most can be fooled
with enough preparation,

and none are considered reliable enough
to even be admissible in court.

But, what if the problem
is not with the techniques,

but the underlying assumption
that lying spurs physiological changes?

What if we took a more direct approach,

using communication science
to analyze the lies themselves?

On a psychological level, we lie partly
to paint a better picture of ourselves,

connecting our fantasies
to the person we wish we were

rather than the person we are.

But while our brain is busy dreaming,
it’s letting plenty of signals slip by.

Our conscious mind only controls
about 5% of our cognitive function,

including communication,

while the other 95% occurs
beyond our awareness,

and according to the literature
on reality monitoring,

stories based on imagined experiences

are qualitatively different
from those based on real experiences.

This suggests that creating a false story
about a personal topic takes work

and results in a different
pattern of language use.

A technology known
as linguistic text analysis

has helped to identify
four such common patterns

in the subconscious language of deception.

First, liars reference themselves less,
when making deceptive statements.

They write or talk more about others,
often using the third person

to distance and disassociate
themselves from their lie,

which sounds more false:

“Absolutely no party took
place at this house,”

or “I didn’t host a party here.”

Second, liars tend to be more negative,

because on a subconscious level,
they feel guilty about lying.

For example, a liar
might say something like,

“Sorry, my stupid phone battery died.
I hate that thing.”

Third, liars typically explain
events in simple terms

since our brains struggle
to build a complex lie.

Judgment and evaluation

are complex things
for our brains to compute.

As a U.S. President once
famously insisted:

“I did not have sexual relations
with that woman.”

And finally, even though liars
keep descriptions simple,

they tend to use longer
and more convoluted sentence structure,

inserting unnecessary words

and irrelevant but factual
sounding details in order to pad the lie.

Another President confronted
with a scandal proclaimed:

“I can say, categorically,
that this investigation indicates

that no one on the White House staff,

no one in this administration
presently employed

was involved
in this very bizarre incident.”

Let’s apply linguistic analysis
to some famous examples.

Take seven-time Tour de France
winner Lance Armstrong.

When comparing a 2005 interview,

in which he had denied taking
performance-enhancing drugs

to a 2013 interview,
in which he admitted it,

his use of personal pronouns
increased by nearly 3/4.

Note the contrast
between the following two quotes.

First: “Okay, you know, a guy
in a French, in a Parisian laboratory

opens up your sample, you know,
Jean-Francis so-and-so, and he tests it.

And then you get a phone call
from a newspaper that says:

‘We found you to be positive
six times for EPO.”

Second: “I lost myself in all of that.

I’m sure there would be other people
that couldn’t handle it,

but I certainly couldn’t handle it,

and I was used to controlling
everything in my life.

I controlled every outcome in my life.”

In his denial, Armstrong described
a hypothetical situation

focused on someone else,

removing himself
from the situation entirely.

In his admission, he owns his statements,

delving into his personal emotions
and motivations.

But the use of personal pronouns
is just one indicator of deception.

Let’s look at another example
from former Senator

and U.S. Presidential candidate
John Edwards:

“I only know that the apparent
father has said publicly

that he is the father of the baby.

I also have not been engaged
in any activity of any description

that requested, agreed to,
or supported payments of any kind

to the woman or to the apparent
father of the baby.”

Not only is that a pretty long-winded way
to say, “The baby isn’t mine,”

but Edwards never calls
the other parties by name,

instead saying “that baby,” “the woman,”
and “the apparent father.”

Now let’s see what he had to say
when later admitting paternity:

“I am Quinn’s father.

I will do everything
in my power to provide her

with the love and support she deserves.”

The statement is short and direct,

calling the child by name
and addressing his role in her life.

So how can you apply these
lie-spotting techniques to your life?

First, remember that many of the lies
we encounter on a daily basis

are far less serious that these examples,
and may even be harmless.

But it’s still worthwhile
to be aware of telltale clues,

like minimal self-references,
negative language,

simple explanations
and convoluted phrasing.

It just might help you avoid
an overvalued stock,

an ineffective product,
or even a terrible relationship.

“抱歉,我的手机没电了。”

“没什么。我很好。”

“这些
指控完全没有根据。”

“该公司不知道
有任何不当行为。”

“我爱你。”

我们
每天会听到 10 到 200 个谎言,

而且我们在历史上的
大部分时间里都在寻找检测它们的方法,

从中世纪的酷刑
设备到测谎仪、

血压和呼吸监测器、
语音压力分析仪、

眼动追踪器、红外大脑 扫描仪

,甚至是 400 磅的
脑电图。

但是,尽管这些工具
在某些情况下有效,但

大多数都可以
通过充分的准备

而被愚弄,而且没有一个被认为足够可靠
,甚至可以在法庭上接受。

但是,如果
问题不在于技术,


在于说谎会刺激生理变化的基本假设呢?

如果我们采取更直接的方法,

使用传播科学
来分析谎言本身会怎样?

在心理层面上,我们撒谎的部分原因是
为了更好地描绘自己,

将我们的幻想
与我们希望成为的人联系起来,

而不是我们现在的人。

但是,当我们的大脑忙于做梦时,
它会让大量信号溜走。

我们的有意识的头脑只控制
了我们大约 5% 的认知功能,

包括交流,

而另外 95% 发生
在我们的意识之外,

根据现实监测的文献,

基于想象经验的故事

与基于真实经验的故事在质量上有所不同。

这表明,创建
关于个人主题的虚假故事需要付出努力,

并导致不同
的语言使用模式。

一种
称为语言文本分析的技术

已帮助识别出
四种常见

的欺骗潜意识语言模式。

首先,说谎者
在发表欺骗性言论时较少提及自己。

他们更多地写作或谈论他人,
经常使用第三人称

来与他们的谎言保持距离和分离

这听起来更虚假:


这所房子绝对没有

举办派对”或“我没有在这里举办派对”。

其次,说谎者往往更消极,

因为在潜意识层面,
他们对说谎感到内疚。

例如,骗子
可能会说

“对不起,我愚蠢的手机电池没电了。
我讨厌那个东西。”

第三,说谎者通常
用简单的术语来解释事件,

因为我们的大脑
很难建立一个复杂的谎言。

判断和评估


我们大脑计算的复杂事物。

正如一位美国总统曾经
著名的坚持:

“我没有和那个女人发生过性关系
。”

最后,即使说谎者
保持描述简单,

他们也倾向于使用更长
、更复杂的句子结构,

插入不必要的单词

和不相关但
听起来很真实的细节来填充谎言。

另一位
面临丑闻的总统宣称:

“我可以断然地说,
这项调查

表明,白宫工作人员中的

任何人,现任政府中的任何人都没有

卷入这一非常奇怪的事件。”

让我们
对一些著名的例子进行语言分析。

以七次环法自行车赛
冠军兰斯·阿姆斯特朗为例。

将 2005 年的一次采访与他承认的 2013 年的一次采访进行比较时

,他否认服用
了提高成绩的药物

他对人称代词的使用
增加了近 3/4。

请注意
以下两个引号之间的对比。

首先:“好吧,你知道,
一个法国人,在巴黎实验室

打开你的样本,你知道,
让-弗朗西斯某某,他测试了它

。然后你接到一家报纸的电话
上面写着:

‘我们发现你
六次对 EPO 呈阳性。

第二:“我在这一切中迷失了自己。

我敢肯定会有其他人
处理不了,

但我肯定处理不了

,我习惯于控制
生活中的一切。

我控制了每一个 我生命中的结果。”

在他的否认中,阿姆斯特朗描述
了一个

专注于其他人的假设情况,

将自己
完全排除在这种情况之外。

在他的承认中,他拥有自己的陈述,

深入研究了他的个人情感
和动机。

但人称代词的使用
只是欺骗的一个指标。

让我们看看
前参议员

和美国总统候选人
约翰爱德华兹的另一个例子:

“我只知道明显的
父亲公开

表示他是孩子的父亲。

我也没有
参与任何要求的任何描述的活动

, 同意
或支持

向该妇女或婴儿的明显
父亲支付任何形式的款项。”

这不仅是一种相当冗长
的说法,“孩子不是我的”,

而且爱德华兹从不
直呼对方的名字,

而是说“那个孩子”、“那个女人”
和“明显的父亲”。 "

现在让我们看看他
后来承认亲子时怎么说:

“我是奎因的父亲,

我会
尽我所能,为她

提供她应得的爱和支持。”

声明简短而直接,

直呼孩子的名字,
并谈到他在她生活中的角色。

那么,您如何将这些
谎言发现技巧应用到您的生活中呢?

首先,请记住,
我们每天遇到的

许多谎言远没有这些例子那么严重,
甚至可能是无害的。

但仍然
值得了解一些明显的线索,

例如最少的自我引用、
负面的语言、

简单的解释
和复杂的措辞。

它可能会帮助你
避免被高估的股票

、无效的产品,
甚至是糟糕的关系。