What makes a language... a language Martin Hilpert

The distinct forms of speech heard

around Bremen, Germany
and Interlaken, Switzerland

are considered regional dialects
of the German language.

And yet, when someone from Bremen
is visiting the Swiss Alps,

the conversations they hear between locals
will likely be incomprehensible to them.

Similarly, outside of China,

Mandarin and Cantonese are often referred
to as Chinese dialects.

But they’re even more dissimilar
than Spanish and Italian.

On the other hand, speakers of Danish,
Norwegian, and Swedish,

which are recognized as three
distinct languages,

can usually communicate in their native
tongues with little difficulty.

And Turkish language soap operas,
broadcast without dubbing or subtitles,

are some of the most popular
shows in Azeri-speaking Azerbaijan.

So, when is a form of speech considered
a dialect versus a language?

It seems reasonable that the degree
of mutual intelligibility would determine

whether two ways of speaking are
classified as separate languages

or as dialects of the same language.

But as we’ve seen, there are many
occasions where this is not the case.

Perhaps surprisingly, the distinction
between a language and a dialect

usually has nothing to do
with pronunciation, vocabulary,

or any other linguistic features.

However, it’s not coincidental, either.

It’s a matter of politics.

The basis for what’s officially deemed
a language

was shaped by the emergence of a European
nation states beginning around the 1500s.

In order to establish and maintain
centralized governments,

clear territorial boundaries,
and state-sponsored education systems,

many nation states promoted
a standardized language.

Which form of speech was chosen
to be the standard language

was usually based on what people spoke
in the capital.

And while other forms of speech persisted,
they were often treated as inferior.

This tradition extended across the globe
with European colonization

and into modern times.

Italy, for example, has at least 15
of what might be called regional dialects.

One of them, the Florentine dialect,

became known as Standard Italian when
the country politically unified in 1861.

It was selected because legendary authors
like Dante and Machiavelli

used it in their original works,

And it came to represent an image
of Italian national identity

that some found particularly desirable.

Later on, in his attempt to establish
a unified, fascist state,

Italian dictator Benito Mussolini
saw language standardization

as an important objective.

His government promoted standard Italian
while prohibiting other forms of speech

from the public sphere,

framing them as backward
and unsophisticated.

In everything from job applications
to court testimonies,

standard languages act as gatekeepers
around the world.

For instance, one 1999 study showed that
landlords responded to apartment inquiries

based on what form of speech
their prospective tenants used.

When callers spoke African-American
Vernacular English, or AAVE,

landlords were more likely
to reject their inquiries.

When they spoke so-called
Standard American English,

which is often associated with whiteness,

landlords responded more positively.

Both of these forms of speech are
considered English dialects.

In the United States,
some people have cast AAVE

as an incorrect or simplified version
of mainstream US English.

But AAVE follows consistent
grammatical rules

every bit as sophisticated
as other forms of English.

Linguists tend to avoid
the term dialect altogether.

Instead, many opt to call different forms
of speech “varieties.”

This way, languages are seen
as groups of varieties.

So the English language
is made up of varieties

including Standard British
and American English, AAVE,

Nigerian English, Malaysian English,
and many others.

Each has its own unique history
and characteristic pronunciation,

vocabulary, and grammatical structures.

But the dividing line
between varieties is murky.

Human language, in all its
cross-pollinating, ever-evolving glory,

naturally resists the impulse
to sort it into neat buckets.

Oftentimes, forms of speech exist
on a kind of linguistic continuum

where they overlap with others,

and the differences between them
are gradual—

not clear cut.

And that’s the confounding
beauty of the dynamic, diverse,

and dazzling universe
of human communication.

在德国不来梅和瑞士因特拉肯周围听到的不同形式的语言

被认为
是德语的区域方言。

然而,当不来梅
人访问瑞士阿尔卑斯山时,

他们听到的当地人之间的对话
可能对他们来说是难以理解的。

同样,在中国以外,

普通话和粤语通常
被称为中国方言。

但它们甚至
比西班牙语和意大利语更加不同。

另一方面,丹麦语、
挪威语和

瑞典语被认为是三种
不同的语言,

他们通常可以
毫不费力地用他们的母语交流。

没有配音或字幕的土耳其语肥皂剧


讲阿塞拜疆语的阿塞拜疆最受欢迎的节目之一。

那么,什么时候一种语言被认为
是方言而不是语言呢?

相互可理解的程度将

决定两种说话方式是被
归类为不同的语言

还是同一语言的方言,这似乎是合理的。

但正如我们所见,在很多
情况下情况并非如此。

也许令人惊讶的是,
语言和方言之间的区别

通常
与发音、词汇

或任何其他语言特征无关。

然而,这也不是巧合。

这是一个政治问题。

1500 年代左右开始出现的欧洲民族国家塑造了被官方视为语言的基础。

为了建立和维护
中央集权政府、

清晰的领土边界
和国家资助的教育体系,

许多民族国家都
提倡标准化语言。

选择哪种
语言作为标准

语言通常取决于人们在首都所说的话

虽然其他形式的言论仍然存在,
但它们往往被视为低劣。

这一传统
随着欧洲的殖民化

而扩展到全球并进入现代。

例如,意大利至少有 15
种可能被称为地方方言的东西。

其中一种,佛罗伦萨方言,

在 1861 年国家政治统一时被称为标准意大利语。

之所以选择它是因为
但丁和马基雅维利等传奇作家

在他们的原创作品中使用了它

,它代表
了意大利民族认同的形象

, 有些人发现特别可取。

后来,为了建立
一个统一的法西斯国家,

意大利独裁者贝尼托·墨索里尼
将语言标准化

视为一个重要目标。

他的政府提倡标准的意大利语,
同时

禁止公共领域的其他形式的

言论,将它们视为落后
和简单。

在从工作申请
到法庭证词的所有事情中,

标准语言都充当
着世界各地的守门人。

例如,1999 年的一项研究表明,
房东

根据
潜在租户使用的语言来回应公寓询问。

当来电者说非裔美国人的
白话英语 (AAVE) 时,

房东更有可能
拒绝他们的询问。

当他们说通常与白人有关的所谓
标准美式英语时

房东的反应更加积极。

这两种语音形式都被
认为是英语方言。

在美国,
有些人将 AAVE

视为美国主流英语的错误或简化
版本。

但 AAVE 遵循始终如一的
语法规则


与其他形式的英语一样复杂。

语言学家倾向于
完全避免使用方言一词。

相反,许多人选择将不同形式
的语音称为“变体”。

通过这种方式,语言被视为一
组变体。

因此,英语

由标准英式
和美式英语、AAVE、

尼日利亚英语、马来西亚英语
等多种语言组成。

每个都有自己独特的历史
和独特的发音、

词汇和语法结构。

但是
品种之间的分界线是模糊的。

人类语言在其所有
交叉授粉、不断发展的荣耀中,

自然会抵制将
其分类为整齐桶的冲动。

通常,言语形式存在
于一种语言连续统一体

中,它们与其他语言重叠,

并且它们之间的差异
是渐进的,

而不是清晰的。

这就是
充满活力、多样化

和令人眼花缭乱
的人类交流世界的令人困惑的美丽。