How to put the power of law in peoples hands Vivek Maru

I want to tell you about someone.

I’m going to call him Ravi Nanda.

I’m changing his name
to protect his safety.

Ravi’s from a community
of herdspeople in Gujarat

on the western coast of India,

same place my own family comes from.

When he was 10 years old,
his entire community was forced to move

because a multinational corporation

constructed a manufacturing facility
on the land where they lived.

Then, 20 years later,
the same company built a cement factory

100 meters from where they live now.

India has got strong
environmental regulations on paper,

but this company
has violated many of them.

Dust from that factory
covers Ravi’s mustache

and everything he wears.

I spent just two days in his place,
and I coughed for a week.

Ravi says that if people or animals
eat anything that grows in his village

or drink the water,

they get sick.

He says children now walk
long distances with cattle and buffalo

to find uncontaminated grazing land.

He says many of those kids
have dropped out of school,

including three of his own.

Ravi has appealed
to the company for years.

He said, “I’ve written so many letters
my family could cremate me with them.

They wouldn’t need to buy any wood.”

(Laughter)

He said the company ignored
every one of those letters,

and so in 2013,

Ravi Nanda decided to use
the last means of protest

he thought he had left.

He walked to the gates of that factory
with a bucket of petrol in his hands,

intending to set himself on fire.

Ravi is not alone in his desperation.

The UN estimates that worldwide,

four billion people live
without basic access to justice.

These people face grave threats
to their safety, their livelihoods,

their dignity.

There are almost always laws on the books
that would protect these people,

but they’ve often
never heard of those laws,

and the systems that are supposed
to enforce those laws

are corrupt or broken or both.

We are living with a global
epidemic of injustice,

but we’ve been choosing to ignore it.

Right now, in Sierra Leone,

in Cambodia, in Ethiopia,

farmers are being cajoled

into putting their thumbprints
on 50-year lease agreements,

signing away all the land
they’ve ever known for a pittance

without anybody even explaining the terms.

Governments seem to think that’s OK.

Right now, in the United States,

in India, in Slovenia,

people like Ravi
are raising their children

in the shadow of factories or mines

that are poisoning
their air and their water.

There are environmental laws
that would protect these people,

but many have never seen those laws,

let alone having a shot at enforcing them.

And the world seems
to have decided that’s OK.

What would it take to change that?

Law is supposed to be the language we use

to translate our dreams about justice

into living institutions
that hold us together.

Law is supposed to be the difference

between a society
ruled by the most powerful

and one that honors
the dignity of everyone,

strong or weak.

That’s why I told
my grandmother 20 years ago

that I wanted to go to law school.

Grandma didn’t pause.
She didn’t skip a beat.

She said to me, “Lawyer is liar.”

(Laughter)

That was discouraging.

(Laughter)

But grandma’s right, in a way.

Something about law
and lawyers has gone wrong.

We lawyers are usually
expensive, first of all,

and we tend to focus
on formal court channels

that are impractical
for many of the problems people face.

Worse, our profession has shrouded law
in a cloak of complexity.

Law is like riot gear on a police officer.

It’s intimidating and impenetrable,

and it’s hard to tell
there’s something human underneath.

If we’re going to make justice
a reality for everyone,

we need to turn law
from an abstraction or a threat

into something that every single person
can understand, use and shape.

Lawyers are crucial
in that fight, no doubt,

but we can’t leave it to lawyers alone.

In health care, for example,

we don’t just rely
on doctors to serve patients.

We have nurses and midwives
and community health workers.

The same should be true of justice.

Community legal workers,

sometimes we call them
community paralegals,

or barefoot lawyers,

can be a bridge.

These paralegals are from
the communities they serve.

They demystify law,

break it down into simple terms,

and then they help people
look for a solution.

They don’t focus on the courts alone.

They look everywhere:

ministry departments,
local government, an ombudsman’s office.

Lawyers sometimes say to their clients,

“I’ll handle it for you. I’ve got you.”

Paralegals have a different message,

not “I’m going to solve it for you,”

but “We’re going to solve it together,

and in the process,
we’re both going to grow.”

Community paralegals
saved my own relationship to law.

After about a year in law school,
I almost dropped out.

I was thinking maybe I should
have listened to my grandmother.

It was when I started
working with paralegals

in Sierra Leone, in 2003,

that I began feeling hopeful
about the law again,

and I have been obsessed ever since.

Let me come back to Ravi.

2013, he did reach
the gates of that factory

with the bucket of petrol in his hands,

but he was arrested
before he could follow through.

He didn’t have to spend long in jail,

but he felt completely defeated.

Then, two years later, he met someone.

I’m going to call him Kush.

Kush is part of a team
of community paralegals

that works for environmental justice
on the Gujarat coast.

Kush explained to Ravi
that there was law on his side.

Kush translated into Gujarati
something Ravi had never seen.

It’s called the “consent to operate.”

It’s issued by the state government,

and it allows the factory to run

only if it complies
with specific conditions.

So together, they compared
the legal requirements with reality,

they collected evidence,

and they drafted an application –

not to the courts,
but to two administrative institutions,

the Pollution Control Board
and the district administration.

Those applications started turning
the creaky wheels of enforcement.

A pollution officer
came for a site inspection,

and after that, the company
started running an air filtration system

it was supposed to have
been using all along.

It also started covering the 100 trucks

that come and go
from that plant every day.

Those two measures
reduced the air pollution considerably.

The case is far from over,

but learning and using law gave Ravi hope.

There are people like Kush
walking alongside people like Ravi

in many places.

Today, I work with a group called Namati.

Namati helps convene a global network

dedicated to legal empowerment.

All together, we are over
a thousand organizations

in 120 countries.

Collectively, we deploy
tens of thousands of community paralegals.

Let me give you another example.

This is Khadija Hamsa.

She is one of five million people in Kenya
who faces a discriminatory vetting process

when trying to obtain a national ID card.

It is like the Jim Crow South
in the United States.

If you are from a certain set of tribes,

most of them Muslim,

you get sent to a different line.

Without an ID, you can’t apply for a job.

You can’t get a bank loan.

You can’t enroll in university.

You are excluded from society.

Khadija tried off and on to get an ID
for eight years, without success.

Then she met a paralegal
working in her community

named Hassan Kassim.

Hassan explained to Khadija
how vetting works,

he helped her gather
the documents she needed,

helped prep her to go before
the vetting committee.

Finally, she was able to get an ID
with Hassan’s help.

First thing she did with it

was use it to apply
for birth certificates for her children,

which they need in order to go to school.

In the United States,
among many other problems,

we have a housing crisis.

In many cities,

90 percent of the landlords
in housing court have attorneys,

while 90 percent of the tenants do not.

In New York, a new crew of paralegals –

they’re called
Access to Justice Navigators –

helps people to understand housing law
and to advocate for themselves.

Normally in New York,

one out of nine tenants
brought to housing court

gets evicted.

Researchers took a look at 150 cases

in which people had help
from these paralegals,

and they found no evictions at all,

not one.

A little bit of legal empowerment
can go a long way.

I see the beginnings of a real movement,

but we’re nowhere near what’s necessary.

Not yet.

In most countries around the world,

governments do not provide
a single dollar of support

to paralegals like Hassan and Kush.

Most governments don’t even recognize
the role paralegals play,

or protect paralegals from harm.

I also don’t want
to give you the impression

that paralegals and their clients
win every time.

Not at all.

That cement factory behind Ravi’s village,

it’s been turning off
the filtration system at night,

when it’s least likely
that the company would get caught.

Running that filter costs money.

Ravi WhatsApps photos
of the polluted night sky.

This is one he sent to Kush in May.

Ravi says the air is still unbreathable.

At one point this year,
Ravi went on hunger strike.

Kush was frustrated.

He said, “We can win if we use the law.”

Ravi said, “I believe in the law, I do,

but it’s not getting us far enough.”

Whether it’s India, Kenya,
the United States or anywhere else,

trying to squeeze justice
out of broken systems

is like Ravi’s case.

Hope and despair are neck and neck.

And so not only do we urgently need
to support and protect

the work of barefoot lawyers
around the world,

we need to change the systems themselves.

Every case a paralegal takes on

is a story about how a system
is working in practice.

When you put those stories together,

it gives you a detailed portrait
of the system as a whole.

People can use that information

to demand improvements
to laws and policies.

In India, paralegals and clients
have drawn on their case experience

to propose smarter regulations
for the handling of minerals.

In Kenya, paralegals and clients
are using data from thousands of cases

to argue that vetting is unconstitutional.

This is a different way
of approaching reform.

This is not a consultant
flying into Myanmar

with a template he’s going
to cut and paste from Macedonia,

and this is not an angry tweet.

This is about growing reforms
from the experience of ordinary people

trying to make the rules and systems work.

This transformation in the relationship
between people and law

is the right thing to do.

It’s also essential for overcoming

all of the other
great challenges of our times.

We are not going to avert
environmental collapse

if the people most affected by pollution

don’t have a say in what happens
to the land and the water,

and we won’t succeed in reducing poverty
or expanding opportunity

if poor people can’t exercise
their basic rights.

And I believe we won’t overcome

the despair that authoritarian
politicians prey upon

if our systems stay rigged.

I called Ravi before coming here
to ask permission to share his story.

I asked if there was any message
he wanted to give people.

He said, “[Gujarati].”

Wake up.

“[Gujarati].”

Don’t be afraid.

“[Gujarati].”

Fight with paper.

By that I think he means
fight using law rather than guns.

“[Gujarati].”

Maybe not today, maybe not this year,
maybe not in five years,

but find justice.

If this guy, whose entire community
is being poisoned every single day,

who was ready to take his own life –

if he’s not giving up on seeking justice,

then the world can’t give up either.

Ultimately, what Ravi calls
“fighting with paper”

is about forging a deeper
version of democracy

in which we the people,

we don’t just cast ballots
every few years,

we take part daily in the rules
and institutions that hold us together,

in which everyone,
even the least powerful,

can know law, use law and shape law.

Making that happen, winning that fight,

requires all of us.

Thank you guys. Thank you.

(Applause)

Kelo Kubu: Thanks, Vivek.

So I’m going to make a few assumptions

that people in this room know
what the Sustainable Development Goals are

and how the process works,

but I want us to talk a little bit

about Goal 16: Peace, justice
and strong institutions.

Vivek Maru: Yeah. Anybody remember
the Millennium Development Goals?

They were adopted in 2000 by the UN
and governments around the world,

and they were for essential,
laudable things.

It was reduce child mortality
by two thirds, cut hunger in half,

crucial things.

But there was no mention
of justice or fairness

or accountability or corruption,

and we have made progress
during the 15 years

when those goals were in effect,

but we are way behind
what justice demands,

and we’re not going to get there
unless we take justice into account.

And so when the debate started
about the next development framework,

the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals,

our community came together
around the world

to argue that access to justice
and legal empowerment

should be a part of that new framework.

And there was a lot of resistance.

Those things are more political,
more contentious than the other ones,

so we didn’t know until the night before
whether it was going to come through.

We squeaked by.

The 16th out of 17 goals
commits to access to justice for all,

which is a big deal.

It’s a big deal, yes.
Let’s clap for justice.

(Applause)

Here’s the scandal, though.

The day the goals were adopted,

most of them were accompanied
by big commitments:

a billion dollars
from the Gates Foundation

and the British government for nutrition;

25 billion in public-private financing
for health care for women and children.

On access to justice,
we had the words on the paper,

but nobody pledged a penny,

and so that is the opportunity
and the challenge that we face right now.

The world recognizes more than ever before

that you can’t have
development without justice,

that people can’t improve their lives
if they can’t exercise their rights,

and what we need to do now
is turn that rhetoric,

turn that principle, into reality.

(Applause)

KK: How can we help?
What can people in this room do?

VM: Great question. Thank you for asking.

I would say three things.

One is invest.

If you have 10 dollars,
or a hundred dollars, a million dollars,

consider putting some of it
towards grassroots legal empowerment.

It’s important in its own right

and it’s crucial for just about
everything else we care about.

Number two,

push your politicians and your governments
to make this a public priority.

Just like health or education,
access to justice

should be one of the things
that a government owes its people,

and we’re nowhere close to that,

neither in rich countries
or poor countries.

Number three is:
be a paralegal in your own life.

Find an injustice
or a problem where you live.

It’s not hard to find, if you look.

Is the river being contaminated,

the one that passes through
the city where you live?

Are there workers getting paid
less than minimum wage

or who are working without safety gear?

Get to know the people most affected,

find out what the rules say,

see if you can use those rules
to get a solution.

If it doesn’t work, see if you can
come together to improve those rules.

Because if we all start knowing law,
using law and shaping law,

then we will be building
that deeper version of democracy

that I believe our world
desperately needs.

(Applause)

KK: Thanks so much, Vivek.
VM: Thank you.

我想告诉你一个人。

我要叫他拉维·南达。

我正在更改他的名字
以保护他的安全。

拉维来自印度西海岸
古吉拉特邦的一个牧民社区,

我自己的家人来自同一个地方。

在他 10 岁时,
他的整个社区被迫搬迁,

因为一家跨国公司

在他们居住的土地上建造了一个制造工厂。

然后,20 年后
,同一家公司在

距离他们现在居住的地方 100 米的地方建造了一家水泥厂。

印度
在纸面上制定了严格的环境法规,

但该
公司违反了许多法规。

那家工厂的灰尘
覆盖了拉维的胡子

和他身上的所有东西。

我只在他的地方待了两天
,我咳嗽了一周。

拉维说,如果人或动物
吃了他村里种植的任何东西

或喝了水,

他们就会生病。

他说,现在孩子们
带着牛和水牛长途跋涉,

寻找未受污染的牧场。

他说,其中许多孩子
已经辍学,

包括他自己的三个孩子。

多年来,拉维一直
呼吁该公司。

他说:“我写了这么多信,
我的家人可以用它们把我火化。

他们不需要买任何木头。”

(笑声)

他说公司忽略
了这些信件中的每一封

,所以在 2013 年,

拉维·南达决定使用他认为已经离开
的最后一种抗议方式

他手里提着一桶汽油走到那家工厂的门口

打算自焚。

拉维并非孤军奋战。

联合国估计,全世界有

40 亿人
无法获得基本的司法救助。

这些人
的安全、生计和

尊严面临严重威胁。

书籍上几乎总是
有保护这些人的法律,

但他们通常
从未听说过这些法律,

而本
应执行这些法律的系统

是腐败的或被破坏的,或两者兼而有之。

我们生活在一种全球
性的不公正流行病中,

但我们一直选择忽略它。

现在,在塞拉利昂

、柬埔寨和埃塞俄比亚,

农民们被哄骗

在 50 年的租赁协议上留下他们的指纹,在没有任何人解释条款的情况下

,以微薄的代价签署了他们所知道的所有土地

政府似乎认为这没问题。

现在,在美国

、印度、斯洛文尼亚,

像拉维
这样的人正在

工厂或矿山的阴影下抚养他们的孩子,这些工厂或

矿山正在
污染他们的空气和水。

有环境
法可以保护这些人,

但许多人从未见过这些法律,

更不用说执行它们了。

世界
似乎已经决定没关系。

改变它需要什么?

法律应该是我们

用来将我们对正义的梦想

转化为
将我们团结在一起的生活机构的语言。

法律应该是

一个由最强大的社会统治的社会

与一个
尊重每个人的尊严的社会之间的区别,

无论强弱。

这就是为什么我在
20 年前

告诉祖母我想上法学院的原因。

奶奶没有停顿。
她没有跳过一个节拍。

她对我说:“律师是骗子。”

(笑声)

那令人沮丧。

(笑声)

但在某种程度上,奶奶是对的。

关于法律
和律师的事情出了问题。 首先,

我们的律师通常很
昂贵,

而且我们倾向于专注
于正式的法庭渠道

,这
对于人们面临的许多问题来说是不切实际的。

更糟糕的是,我们的职业给法律
披上了一层复杂的外衣。

法律就像警察的防暴装备。

它令人生畏和难以穿透

,很难说
下面有什么人。

如果我们
要让每个人的正义成为现实,

我们需要将法律
从抽象或威胁

变成每个人
都能理解、使用和塑造的东西。

毫无疑问,律师在这场斗争中至关重要,

但我们不能把它留给律师一个人。

例如,在医疗保健领域,

我们不仅仅
依靠医生为患者服务。

我们有护士、助产士
和社区卫生工作者。

正义也应该如此。

社区法律工作者,

有时我们称他们为
社区律师助理

或赤脚律师,

可以成为一座桥梁。

这些律师助理来自
他们所服务的社区。

他们揭开法律的神秘面纱,

将其分解为简单的术语,

然后帮助人们
寻找解决方案。

他们不仅仅关注法庭。

他们到处寻找:

部委、
地方政府、监察员办公室。

律师有时会对他们的委托人说:

“我会为你处理的。我有你。”

律师助理有不同的信息,

不是“我要为你解决”,

而是“我们要一起解决

,在这个过程中,
我们都会成长。”

社区律师助理
挽救了我与法律的关系。

在法学院学习了大约一年后,
我几乎辍学了。

我在想也许我
应该听我祖母的话。

2003 年,当我
开始与塞拉利昂的律师助理一起工作时

,我
再次开始对法律充满希望,

从那时起我就一直痴迷于此。

让我回到拉维。

2013年,他确实拿着一桶汽油到达
了那家工厂的大门

但他还没
来得及跟上去就被逮捕了。

他不必在监狱里呆太久,

但他感到完全被打败了。

然后,两年后,他遇到了一个人。

我要叫他库什。

Kush 是为

古吉拉特邦海岸的环境正义工作的社区律师助理团队的一员。

库什向拉维解释
说他有法律。

库什将
拉维从未见过的东西翻译成古吉拉特语。

这被称为“同意经营”。

它由州政府颁发,

只有在
符合特定条件的情况下才允许工厂运行。

因此,他们一起
将法律要求与现实进行了比较,

他们收集了证据,

并起草了一份申请——

不是向法院,
而是向两个行政机构

,污染控制委员会
和地区行政部门。

这些应用程序开始
转动吱吱作响的执法轮子。

一名污染官
来现场检查

,之后,该公司
开始运行

本应
一直使用的空气过滤系统。

它还开始覆盖

每天从该工厂进出的 100 辆卡车。

这两项措施
大大减少了空气污染。

案件远未结束,

但学习和使用法律给了拉维希望。 在许多地方,

有像库什
这样的人与像拉维这样的人并肩行走

今天,我与一个名为 Namati 的团队合作。

Namati 帮助建立了一个

致力于法律赋权的全球网络。

总之,我们

在 120 个国家/地区拥有超过 1000 个组织。

我们共同部署了
数万名社区律师助理。

让我再举一个例子。

这是卡迪亚·哈姆萨。

她是肯尼亚 500 万在试图获得国民身份证
时面临歧视性审查程序的人之一

它就像美国的 Jim Crow
South。

如果您来自某个部落,

其中大多数是穆斯林,

您将被派往不同的路线。

没有身份证,你不能申请工作。

你无法获得银行贷款。

你不能上大学。

你被社会排除在外。

Khadija 尝试了八年的时间来获得身份证
,但没有成功。

然后她遇到了一位
在她的社区工作的律师助理,

名叫 Hassan Kassim。

Hassan 向 Khadija
解释了审查的工作原理,

他帮助她收集
了她需要的文件,

帮助她准备好
前往审查委员会。

最后,她在
哈桑的帮助下拿到了身份证。

她用它做的第一件事

就是用它
为她的孩子申请出生证明,

这是他们上学所需要的。

在美国,
在许多其他问题中,

我们遇到了住房危机。

在很多城市,

90%的
房主有律师

,90%的租客没有。

在纽约,一群新的律师助理——

他们被称为“
诉诸司法导航员”——

帮助人们了解住房法
并为自己辩护。

通常在纽约,

九分之一的
被带到住房法庭的租户

会被驱逐。

研究人员查看了 150

起人们从这些律师助理那里得到帮助的案例

,他们发现根本没有驱逐,

一个也没有。

一点点的法律授权
可以大有帮助。

我看到了真正运动的开始,

但我们离必要的东西还很远。

还没有。

在世界上大多数国家,

政府不向

Hassan 和 Kush 等律师助理提供一美元的支持。

大多数政府甚至不承认
律师助理所扮演的角色,

或保护律师助理免受伤害。

我也不想
给您

留下律师助理和他们的客户
每次都赢的印象。

一点也不。

拉维村后面的那个水泥厂,

它一直
在晚上关闭过滤系统

,此时公司被抓到的可能性最小。

运行该过滤器需要花钱。

Ravi WhatsApps
污染夜空的照片。

这是他在五月寄给库什的一封。

拉维说空气仍然无法呼吸。

今年,
拉维曾一度绝食。

库什很沮丧。

他说,“如果我们使用法律,我们就能赢。”

拉维说:“我相信法律,我相信,

但这并没有让我们走得足够远。”

无论是印度、肯尼亚
、美国还是其他任何地方,

试图
从破碎的系统中挤出正义,

就像拉维的案例一样。

希望与绝望并驾齐驱。

因此,我们不仅迫切
需要支持和保护世界各地

赤脚律师的工作

我们还需要改变系统本身。

律师助理处理的每

一个案例都是关于
系统在实践中如何运作的故事。

当你把这些故事放在一起时,

它会给你
一个整个系统的详细描述。

人们可以使用这些信息

来要求
改进法律和政策。

在印度,律师助理和客户
利用他们的案例经验

为矿物处理提出了更明智的法规

在肯尼亚,律师助理和客户
正在使用来自数千个案例的数据

来辩称审查是违宪的。

这是一种不同
的改革方式。

这不是一个顾问

带着他
要从马其顿剪切和粘贴的模板飞到缅甸

,这也不是一条愤怒的推文。

这是关于

试图使规则和系统发挥作用的普通人的经验中进行的不断改革。

这种
人与法律关系的转变

是正确的做法。

这对于克服

我们这个时代的所有其他重大挑战也至关重要。

如果受污染影响最严重的人

对土地和水的情况没有发言权,我们就无法避免环境崩溃,如果穷人不能锻炼

,我们就无法成功减少贫困
或扩大机会

他们的基本权利。

而且我相信,如果我们的系统仍然受到操纵,我们将无法克服

专制
政客所掠夺的绝望

在来这里之前,我给拉维打了电话
,请求允许分享他的故事。

我问他有没有什么
想给人们的信息。

他说,“[古吉拉特语]。”

醒来。

“[古吉拉特语]。”

不要害怕。

“[古吉拉特语]。”

与纸战斗。

我认为他的意思是
使用法律而不是枪支进行战斗。

“[古吉拉特语]。”

也许不是今天,也许不是今年,
也许不是五年后,

但要找到正义。

如果这个人,他的整个社区
每天都被毒害,

准备自杀——

如果他不放弃寻求正义,

那么世界也不能放弃。

最终,拉维所说的
“纸上谈兵”

是关于打造更深
层次的民主,

在这种民主中,我们人民,

我们不只是
每隔几年投票一次,

我们每天都参与
将我们团结在一起的规则和机构,

在 每个人,
即使是最不强大的人,

都可以知道法律,使用法律和塑造法律。

实现这一目标,赢得这场战斗,

需要我们所有人。

感谢你们。 谢谢你。

(掌声)

Kelo Kubu:谢谢,Vivek。

因此,我将做出一些假设

,即在座的人们
知道可持续发展目标是什么

以及该过程如何运作,

但我希望我们稍微

谈谈目标 16:和平、正义
和强大的机构。

维维克马鲁:是的。 有人
记得千年发展目标吗?

它们于 2000 年被联合国
和世界各国政府采用

,它们用于重要的、
值得称赞的事情。

它是将儿童死亡率
降低三分之二,将饥饿减少一半,这是

至关重要的事情。

但是没有
提到正义、公平

、问责制或腐败

,我们

在这些目标生效的 15 年中取得了进展,

但我们远远落后于
正义的要求,

除非我们 考虑到正义。

因此,当
关于下一个发展框架,

即 2030 年可持续发展目标的辩论开始时,

我们的社区聚集
在世界

各地,主张诉诸司法
和赋予法律权力

应该成为新框架的一部分。

并且有很多阻力。

这些事情比其他事情更具政治性,
更具争议性,

所以直到前一天晚上我们才
知道它是否会通过。

我们悄悄过去了。

17 个目标中的第 16 个
承诺为所有人伸张正义,

这是一件大事。

这是一件大事,是的。
让我们为正义鼓掌。

(掌声)

不过,这就是丑闻。

目标通过的那天,

大部分都伴随
着重大承诺:

盖茨基金会

和英国政府提供十亿美元用于营养;

250 亿公私资金
用于妇女和儿童的医疗保健。

关于伸张正义,
我们纸上谈兵,

但没有人承诺一分钱

,这
就是我们现在面临的机遇和挑战。

世界比以往任何时候都更加认识到

没有正义就没有
发展,

如果人们不能行使自己的权利,就无法改善他们的生活

而我们现在需要做的
是转变这种言论,

转变这种原则, 变为现实。

(掌声)

KK:有什么可以帮忙的吗?
这个房间里的人能做什么?

VM:好问题。 谢谢你的慰问。

我想说三件事。

一是投资。

如果你有 10 美元
、100 美元、100 万美元,请

考虑将其中的一部分
用于基层法律赋权。

本身很重要,对
我们关心的几乎所有其他事情都至关重要。

第二,

推动你的政客和
政府将此作为公共优先事项。

就像健康或教育一样,
获得正义

应该
是政府欠其人民的事情之一,

而我们离这一点还很遥远,

无论是在富裕国家
还是贫穷国家。

第三是:
在自己的生活中成为一名律师助理。

找出你居住的地方的不公正或问题。

不难发现,如果你看的话。 穿过

你居住的城市的河流是否受到污染

是否有工人的工资
低于最低工资

或在没有安全装备的情况下工作?

了解受影响最严重的人,

了解规则所说的内容,

看看您是否可以使用这些规则
来获得解决方案。

如果它不起作用,看看你们是否可以
一起改进这些规则。

因为如果我们都开始了解法律、
使用法律和塑造法律,

那么我们将建立

我认为我们的世界
迫切需要的更深层次的民主。

(掌声)

KK:非常感谢,Vivek。
虚拟机:谢谢。