Its time for the law to protect victims of gender violence Laura L. Dunn

Throughout the United States,
there is growing social awareness

that sexual violence and harassment
are far too common occurrences

within our various institutions –

occurrences often
without any accountability.

As a result, the Me Too
movement is upon us,

and survivors everywhere
are speaking out to demand change.

Students have rallied against
sexual assault on campus.

Service members have demanded
Congress reform the military,

and workers ranging from
Hollywood stars to janitorial staff

have called out sexual harassment
in the workplace.

This is a tipping point.

This is when a social movement
can create lasting legal change.

But only if we switch tactics.

Instead of going institution
by institution, fighting for reform,

it’s time to go to the Constitution.

As it stands, the US Constitution
denies fundamental protections

to victims of gender violence
such as sexual assault,

intimate partner violence

and stalking.

Specifically, the Fourteenth Amendment
of the Constitution,

which prohibits state governments
from abusing its citizens,

does not require state
governments to intervene

when private parties abuse its citizens.

So what does that mean in real life?

That means that when a woman
calls the police from her home,

afraid that an intruder may attack her,

she is not entitled
to the state’s protection.

Not only can the police fail to respond,

but she will be left
without any legal remedy

if preventable harm occurs as a result.

How can this be?

It is because the state, theoretically,

acts on behalf of
all citizens collectively,

not any one citizen individually.

The resulting constitutional flaw
directly contradicts international law,

which requires nation-states to intervene

and protect citizens against
gender violence by private parties

as a human right.

Instead of requiring intervention,

our Constitution leaves discretion –

discretion that states have used
to discriminate systemically

to deny countless victims any remedy.

Unlike what you may have seen
on “Law & Order: SVU,”

justice is rare for victims
of gender violence.

And even in those rare cases
where law enforcement has chosen to act,

victims have no rights
during the resulting criminal process.

You see, victims are not parties
in a criminal case.

Rather, they are witnesses;

their bodies, evidence.

The prosecution does not represent
the interests of a victim.

Rather, the prosecution represents
the interests of the state.

And the state has the discretion
to dismiss criminal charges,

enter lax plea deals

and otherwise remove
a victim’s voice from the process,

because again,

a state theoretically represents
the interests of all citizens collectively

and not any one citizen individually.

Despite this constitutional flaw,

some victims of gender violence
have found protections

under federal Civil Rights statutes,

such as Title IX.

Title IX is not just about sports.

Rather, it prohibits all forms
of sex discrimination,

including sexual violence and harassment

within educational programs
that accept federal funding.

While initially targeting
sex discrimination within admissions,

Title IX has actually evolved over time

to require educational institutions
to intervene and address gender violence

when committed by certain parties,

such as when teachers, students
or campus visitors commit sexual assault

or harassment.

So what this means
is that through Title IX,

those who seek access to education
are protected against gender violence

in a way that otherwise
does not exist under the law.

It is Title IX that requires
educational institutions

to take reports
of gender violence seriously,

or to suffer liability.

And through campus-level proceedings,

Title IX goes so far as to give
victims equitable rights

during the campus process,

which means that victims can represent
their own interests during proceedings,

rather than relying on
educational institutions to do so.

And that’s really important,

because educational institutions have
historically swept gender violence

under the rug,

much like our criminal justice
system does today.

So while Civil Rights
protects some victims,

we should want to protect all victims.

Rather than going
institution by institution,

fighting for reform on campus,
in the military, in the workplace,

it’s time to go to the Constitution

and pass the Equal Rights Amendment.

Originally proposed in 1923,

the Equal Rights Amendment would guarantee
gender equality under the law,

and much like Title IX on campus,

that constitutional amendment could
require states to intervene

and address gender violence

as a prohibitive form
of sex discrimination.

While the Equal Rights Amendment
did not pass in the 1970s,

it actually came within
three states of doing so.

And within the last year,

at least one of those states
has ratified the amendment,

because we live
in different political times.

From the Women’s March
to the Me Too movement,

we have the growing
political will of the people

necessary to create lasting, legal change.

So as a victims' rights attorney

fighting to increase
the prospect of justice

for survivors across the country

and as a survivor myself,

I’m not here to say, “Time’s Up.”

I’m here to say, “It’s time.”

It’s time for accountability
to become the norm after gender violence.

It’s time to pass
the Equal Rights Amendment,

so that our legal system
can become a system of justice,

and #MeToo can finally become “no more.”

Thank you.

(Applause)

在整个美国,
越来越多的社会

意识到性暴力和性骚扰

在我们的各个机构中太常见了——这些

事件往往
没有任何责任。

因此,Me Too
运动

即将来临,各地的幸存者
都在大声疾呼要求改变。

学生们
在校园里集会反对性侵犯。

服务人员要求
国会改革军队,


好莱坞明星到清洁工的工人

都呼吁
在工作场所进行性骚扰。

这是一个转折点。

这是社会运动
可以创造持久的法律变革的时候。

但前提是我们改变战术。

与其
逐个机构,为改革而战

,是时候去看宪法了。

就目前而言,美国宪法
否认


性侵犯、

亲密伴侣暴力

和跟踪等性别暴力受害者的基本保护。

具体而言,宪法第十四

修正案禁止州
政府虐待其公民,

并没有要求州
政府

在私人团体虐待其公民时进行干预。

那么这在现实生活中意味着什么?

这意味着当一名妇女
在家中报警时,

害怕入侵者可能会袭击她,

她无权
获得国家的保护。

警察不仅无法做出回应,

而且

如果因此发生可预防的伤害,她将无法获得任何法律补救。

怎么会这样?

这是因为从理论上讲,国家

代表
全体公民集体行事,

而不是代表任何一个公民个人。

由此产生的宪法缺陷
直接违反了国际法,国际法

要求民族国家干预

和保护公民
免受私人团体的性别暴力

作为一项人权。

我们的宪法没有要求干预,而是留下了自由裁量权——

各州用来
系统性地歧视

以拒绝无数受害者获得任何补救的自由裁量权。

与您可能
在“法律与秩序:SVU”中看到的不同,

正义对于性别暴力的受害者来说是罕见的

即使在
执法部门选择采取行动的极少数情况下,

受害者
在由此产生的刑事诉讼中也没有任何权利。

你看,受害者不是
刑事案件的当事人。

相反,他们是证人;

他们的尸体,证据。

控方不代表
受害人的利益。

相反,起诉代表
了国家的利益。

国家
有权撤销刑事指控、

签订宽松的认罪协议,

以及以其他方式
消除受害者的声音,因为从

理论上讲,国家在理论上代表
所有公民的集体利益,

而不是任何一个公民个人的利益。

尽管存在这一宪法缺陷,但

一些性别暴力受害者
还是

根据联邦民权法规(

例如 Title IX)获得了保护。

第九条不仅仅是关于运动。

相反,它禁止一切形式
的性别歧视,

包括

接受联邦资助的教育项目中的性暴力和骚扰。

虽然最初针对
招生中的性别歧视,但

随着时间的推移,第九条实际上已经演变

为要求教育机构
在某些方面实施时进行干预和解决性别暴力

例如当教师、学生
或校园访客实施性侵犯

或性骚扰时。

因此,这
意味着通过第九条,

那些寻求接受教育
的人受到法律保护,不受性别暴力侵害

第九条要求
教育机构

认真对待性别暴力的报告,

或者承担责任。

通过校园级别的诉讼,

Title IX 甚至在校园过程中赋予
受害者平等的权利

这意味着受害者可以
在诉讼中代表自己的利益,

而不是依靠
教育机构这样做。

这真的很重要,

因为教育机构
历来都在掩盖性别暴力

就像我们
今天的刑事司法系统一样。

因此,虽然民权
保护了一些受害者,

但我们应该想要保护所有受害者。

与其
逐个机构,

在校园
、军队和工作场所争取改革,

现在是时候去看宪法

并通过平等权利修正案了。

最初于 1923 年提出

,平等权利修正案将保障
法律规定的性别平等

,就像校园里的第九条一样

,宪法修正案可能
要求各州进行干预

并将性别暴力

作为一种禁止
的性别歧视形式加以解决。

虽然平等权利修正案
在 1970 年代没有通过,

但实际上是在
三个州内通过的。

去年,

至少有一个
州批准了修正案,

因为我们生活
在不同的政治时代。

从妇女游行
到 Me Too 运动,

我们拥有不断增长
的人民政治意愿,这

是创造持久合法变革所必需的。

因此,作为一名

致力于

为全国各地的幸存者增加正义前景的受害者权利律师,

以及作为一名幸存者本人,

我不是在这里说“时间到了”。

我在这里说,“是时候了。”

是时候让问责
制成为性别暴力之后的常态了。

是时候
通过平等权利修正案了,

这样我们的法律制度
才能成为正义制度

,#MeToo 终于可以“不再存在”。

谢谢你。

(掌声)