The hidden life of Rosa Parks Riche D. Richardson

In 1944, 11 years before her fateful
decision on a Montgomery Bus,

Rosa Parks was investigating
a vicious crime.

As an emissary for
the National Association

for the Advancement of Colored People,

she had traveled to rural Alabama
to meet with Recy Taylor,

a young woman who had been
sexually assaulted by six white men.

It would be difficult enough to convince
an Alabama court

that even one of these men was guilty,

but Rosa was undeterred.

She formed a committee to defend
Recy in court,

flooding the media with testimony

and sparking protests
throughout the South.

When a jury failed
to indict the attackers,

Parks demanded the governor
assemble a new grand jury.

She wrote, “I know that you will not fail
to let the people of Alabama know

that there is equal justice
for all of our citizens.”

Throughout her life, Parks repeatedly
challenged racial violence

and the prejudiced systems
protecting its perpetrators.

But this work came at an enormous risk—

and a personal price.

Born in 1913, Rosa was raised by her
mother and grandparents in rural Alabama.

But outside this loving home, the fear
of racial violence cast a long shadow.

The Ku Klux Klan frequently
drove past their home,

and Jim Crow laws
segregated public spaces.

At 19 she settled in Montgomery
and married Raymond Parks,

a barber who shared her growing fury
at racial injustice.

He was involved with the local chapter
of the NAACP;

a role many avoided
for fear of persecution.

At first Raymond was eager
to keep Rosa safe

from the potential dangers of activism.

But as she grew more incensed at the
limitations imposed on African Americans,

she could no longer stand by.

When she officially joined
the NAACP in 1943,

Parks and Johnnie Rebecca Carr were
the only women in the Montgomery chapter.

She began keeping minutes
for their meetings,

and soon found herself elected
secretary of the chapter—

formally beginning her secret double life.

By day, Rosa worked as a seamstress
to support her mother and husband.

By night, she researched and documented
numerous civil rights cases,

from local policy disputes to high-profile
murder cases and hate crimes.

As secretary, she prepared public
responses

on behalf of the Montgomery chapter,
battling the harsh sentencing,

false accusation and smear campaigns
frequently used against African Americans.

In addition to her legal work, Parks
was a brilliant local strategist.

As advisor to the NAACP
youth group council,

she helped young people navigate
segregated systems

including voter registration and
whites-only libraries.

Through the cover of the NAACP,

Parks strived to bring clandestine
civil rights activities into the open.

She advocated for civil disobedience
training

and spoke out against racial violence,
particularly the murder of Emmet Till.

In 1955, her refusal to move
to the back of a segregated bus

helped ignite the grassroots movement
she had hoped for.

Parks was arrested and jailed
for her one-woman protest,

where she was visited by local activists.

Together they planned a twenty-four
hour bus boycott.

It lasted for three hundred
and eighty-one days.

Park’s simple act had transformed
nascent civil rights activism

into a national movement.

In 1956, the boycott ended
when the Supreme Court

ruled in favor of desegregating
public transport.

But this victory for the movement
had come at a great cost.

Rosa had been receiving vicious death
threats throughout the campaign,

and was unable to find work in Montgomery
because of her political reputation.

In 1957, she moved to Detroit
to continue working as a seamstress,

until being hired by Congressman
John Conyers

to help support his burgeoning
civil rights campaigns.

Ever vigilant in the fight against racial
inequality,

Parks remained active
for the next 40 years.

She wrote several books,

traveled across the country giving talks
to support other activists,

and established an institute
for the education of young people

in her late husband’s memory.

Today, Rosa Parks is remembered
as a radical spirit

who railed against the most powerful
people and policies.

Her call to action continues to resound:

“knowing what must be done
does away with fear.”

1944 年,在她
决定乘坐蒙哥马利巴士的 11 年前,

罗莎·帕克斯正在调查
一起恶性罪行。

作为全国有色人种协进会的特使

她曾前往阿拉巴马州的农村
会见

被六名白人男子性侵的年轻女子雷西·泰勒。


说服阿拉巴马州的

法庭即使其中一个人有罪也很困难,

但罗莎并没有被吓倒。

她成立了一个委员会
在法庭上为 Recy 辩护,

向媒体充斥着证词,

并引发了
整个南方的抗议活动。

当陪审团
未能起诉袭击者时,

帕克斯要求州长
组建一个新的大陪审团。

她写道:“我知道你
不会不让阿拉巴马州人民知道

,我们所有的公民都享有平等的
正义。”

在她的一生中,帕克斯一再
挑战种族暴力


保护其肇事者的偏见系统。

但这项工作冒着巨大的风险——

和个人的代价。

罗莎出生于 1913 年,
在阿拉巴马州农村由她的母亲和祖父母抚养长大。

但在这个充满爱的家园之外,
对种族暴力的恐惧投下了长长的阴影。

三K党经常
开车经过他们的家

,吉姆克劳法
将公共场所隔离开来。

19 岁时,她在蒙哥马利定居,
并嫁给了理发师雷蒙德·帕克斯(Raymond Parks),

后者与她一样
对种族不公越来越愤怒。

他参与了
全国有色人种协进会的地方分会;

许多人
因为害怕受到迫害而回避这个角色。

起初,雷蒙德
渴望保护罗莎

免受激进主义的潜在危险。

但随着她
对强加给非裔美国人的限制越来越愤怒,

她再也不能袖手旁观了。

当她
于 1943 年正式加入全国有色人种协进会时,

帕克斯和约翰尼·丽贝卡·卡尔
是蒙哥马利分会中唯一的女性。

她开始
为他们的会议做记录,

并很快发现自己被选为
分会秘书——

正式开始了她秘密的双重生活。

白天,罗莎做裁缝
来养活她的母亲和丈夫。

到了晚上,她研究并记录
了许多民权案件,

从地方政策纠纷到备受瞩目的
谋杀案和仇恨犯罪。

作为秘书,她

代表蒙哥马利分会准备公开回应,
与经常针对非裔美国人的严厉判决、

诬告和诽谤运动作斗争

除了她的法律工作,帕克斯
还是一位出色的地方战略家。

作为全国有色人种协进会
青年团体委员会的顾问,

她帮助年轻人驾驭
隔离系统,

包括选民登记和
仅限白人的图书馆。

通过全国有色人种协进会的封面,

帕克斯努力将秘密的
民权活动公之于众。

她主张进行公民不服从
训练

,并公开反对种族暴力,
尤其是谋杀 Emmet Till。

1955 年,她拒绝
搬到隔离公共汽车的后座,这

点燃了
她所希望的草根运动。

帕克斯因单身抗议而被捕入狱

当地活动人士拜访了她。

他们一起计划了一场 24
小时的巴士抵制活动。

持续了
三百八十一天。

朴槿惠的简单举动将
新生的民权运动

转变为一场全国性的运动。

1956 年,
当最高法院

裁定取消
公共交通的种族隔离时,抵制活动结束。

但这场运动
的胜利付出了巨大的代价。

罗莎在
整个竞选过程中一直受到恶性死亡威胁,

由于她的政治声誉,她无法在蒙哥马利找到工作。

1957 年,她搬到底特律
继续担任裁缝工作,

直到被国会议员
约翰·科尼尔斯聘用,

以帮助支持他蓬勃发展的
民权运动。

在与种族不平等的斗争中一直保持警惕

帕克斯
在接下来的 40 年里一直很活跃。

她写了几本书,

在全国各地进行演讲
以支持其他活动家,

并为纪念已故丈夫建立了一个
年轻人教育机构

今天,罗莎·帕克斯被人们铭记
为一种激进的精神

,她抨击最有权势的
人和政策。

她的行动号召继续响起:

“知道必须做什么才能
消除恐惧。”