Harvey Milks radical vision of equality Lillian Faderman

By 1973,

Harvey Milk had already been many things:

naval officer, high school teacher,

bit-part actor, and wandering hippie.

But as he embarked on yet another life
running a camera shop in San Francisco,

he already found himself distracted.

From the Watergate hearings
on national news,

to the teacher who had to rent a projector
when her school couldn’t afford one,

Harvey saw a desperate need
for political reform.

Milk strongly believed that tight knit
neighborhoods

were essential to the fabric of the city,

and that government should solve those
community’s most practical problems.

From fixing potholes and putting
up stop signs,

to promoting a friendly culture
of cooperation,

Milk envisioned a more personal
approach to local government.

This philosophy led him to run
for the city’s Board of Supervisors

as the representative
for his own district,

which included the heart of
American gay culture,

the Castro.

At this time, police brutality,
discrimination and media stereotyping

plagued the LGBT community,

labeling Harvey and his supporters as
political outsiders.

But Milk refused to
downplay his sexuality.

He was sure that gay rights could never
be won from the closet,

and he saw the Castro

as one of many minorities without
representation in city politics.

Milk was determined to bring these
basic government services

to all of San Francisco’s disenfranchised
groups,

regardless of race, age, or sexuality.

But despite his flair for public speaking

and open-hearted approach,

voters couldn’t see Milk’s radical vision.

In 1973, he lost his first bid for
the Board of Supervisors.

In 1975, he lost again.

A year later, he ran for the California
Assembly– and lost.

Yet he tirelessly continued
to support his district,

befriending bartenders, construction
unions, and local Chinese grocers.

This earned him the affectionate title,
the “mayor of Castro Street.”

And when he ran his third campaign for
the Board of Supervisors in 1977,

Harvey finally won the seat–

becoming one of the first openly gay
public officials in US history.

Elated, Milk arrived in office determined
to make lasting change.

He immediately introduced a bill outlawing
discrimination on the grounds of sexuality

and launched a major clean-up of the city.

But not everyone was happy
with this direction.

Anti-gay sentiment was gaining national
momentum,

especially in the form of
California’s Proposition 6.

The proposition, which sought
to make it illegal

for homosexuals to work
in Californian schools,

would prove to be the biggest battle
of Milk’s career.

Supporters of Prop 6 attacked
the LGBT community,

calling them unfit to work with students.

But Milk urged them not to hide in fear:

“Come out to your relatives.

Come out to your friends,
if indeed they are your friends.

Come out to your neighbors,
to your fellow workers…

break down the myths.

Destroy the lies and distortions.

For your sake. For their sake.”

Alongside other activists,

he ran an incandescent campaign
against hate.

On November 7, 1978,

Prop 6 was defeated in a landslide.

It was proof that Milk’s message was
gaining traction.

But just twenty days after this
inspiring victory,

he was assassinated at City Hall–

killed alongside San Francisco
Mayor George Moscone.

Both men had been murdered by Dan White,

a former fellow supervisor,

who had positioned himself against those
he called “radicals, social deviates

and incorrigibles.”

He had frequently clashed with Harvey
at Board meetings,

and resented the spirit of change
which Milk personified for many.

The night of Milk’s murder,

thousands marched by candlelight
through the city.

In the wake of this tragedy,

yet another injustice arose.

In a highly controversial verdict,

White received a sentence of only seven
years and eight months–

a decision that sparked uproar
throughout the city

in what became known as
the White Night Riots.

But even after his death,

Milk continued to preach
his hopeful cause.

He left his friends and followers a total
of three different tapes

to be played in the event
of his assassination.

They leave us with a call to action,

and a reminder that everyone is welcome
in the fight against injustice:

“I ask for the movement to continue…

and if a bullet should enter my brain,

let that bullet destroy
every closet door…”

到 1973 年,

Harvey Milk 已经是很多人了:

海军军官、高中老师、

小演员和流浪嬉皮士。

但当他开始
在旧金山经营一家相机店的另一种生活时,

他已经发现自己分心了。

从全国新闻的水门事件听证会

到在学校买不起投影仪时不得不租用投影仪的老师

哈维看到了政治改革的迫切需要

米尔克坚信紧密联系的
社区

对城市的结构至关重要

,政府应该解决这些
社区最实际的问题。

从修复坑洼和
设置停车标志,

到促进友好
的合作文化,

Milk 设想了一种更加个性化
的地方政府方式。

这种理念使他

作为
自己所在地区的代表竞选该市的监事会,

该地区包括
美国同性恋文化的核心

,卡斯特罗。

此时,警察的暴行、
歧视和媒体刻板印象

困扰着 LGBT 社区,

将哈维和他的支持者贴上
政治局外人的标签。

但米尔克拒绝
淡化他的性取向。

他确信同性恋权利永远
不可能从壁橱中获得

,他将卡斯特罗

视为在城市政治中没有代表的众多少数群体之一

米尔克决心将这些
基本的政府服务

带给旧金山所有被剥夺权利的
群体,

不分种族、年龄或性别。

但是,尽管他有公开演讲的天赋

和开放的态度,

选民还是看不到米尔克激进的愿景。

1973年,他第一次
竞选监事会失败。

1975年,他又输了。

一年后,他竞选加州
议会——但落选了。

然而,他不知疲倦地
继续支持他所在的地区,

与调酒师、建筑
工会和当地的中国杂货店成为朋友。

这为他赢得
了“卡斯特罗街市长”的亲切称号。

当他
在 1977 年为监事会进行第三次竞选时,

哈维终于赢得了席位——

成为美国历史上第一批公开同性恋身份的
公职人员之一。

兴高采烈的米尔克上任后
决心做出持久的改变。

他立即推出了一个 法案禁止
基于性行为的歧视

,并对城市进行了大规模清理。

但并不是每个人都对
这个方向感到满意。

反同性恋情绪正在获得全国性的
势头,

特别是以
加州 6 号

提案的形式。 试图

让同性恋者
在加州学校工作是非法的,

这将被证明
是米尔克职业生涯中最大的一场战斗。

提案 6 的支持者
攻击 LGBT 社区,

称他们不适合与学生一起工作。

但米尔克敦促他们不要躲在恐惧中 :

“向你的亲戚出柜。

向你的朋友出柜,
如果他们确实是你的朋友的话。

向你的邻居
、你的同事出柜……

打破神话。

摧毁谎言并消除 故事。

为你着想。 为了他们。”

与其他活动家一起,

他开展了一场反对仇恨的白热化运动

1978 年 11 月 7 日,

Prop 6 以压倒性优势被击败。

这证明米尔克的信息正在
获得关注。

但在这场
鼓舞人心的胜利后仅 20 天,

他就在市政厅被暗杀——

与旧金山
市长乔治·莫斯康一起被杀。

这两个人都被前同事主管丹·怀特(Dan White)谋杀,

后者将自己定位为反对那些
他称之为“激进分子、社会偏差

和不可救药”的人。

他经常
在董事会会议上与哈维发生冲突,

并憎恨
米尔克为许多人所代表的变革精神。

米尔克被谋杀的那晚,

成千上万的人在烛光下游行
穿过城市。

在这场悲剧之后,

又出现了另一场不公正现象

。 极具争议的判决,

怀特只被判了七年零八个月的刑期——

这一决定
在整个城市

引发了骚动,后来被
称为白夜暴动。

但即使在他死后,

米尔克仍继续宣扬
他充满希望的事业。

他离开了 他的朋友和追随者总共播放
了三种不同的磁带


以防他被暗杀。

它们给我们留下了行动的号召,

并提醒我们欢迎每个人
参与反对不公正的斗争:

“我要求运动继续下去

……如果一颗子弹进入我的大脑,

让那颗子弹摧毁
每一扇壁橱门……”