Civilization on the Moon and what it means for life on Earth Jessy Kate Schingler

Right now, there’s a lot
happening with the Moon.

China has announced plans
for an inhabited South Pole station

by the 2030s,

and the United States has
an official road map

seeking an increasing number of people
living and working in space.

This will start with
NASA’s Artemis program,

an international program to send
the first woman and the next man

to the Moon this decade.

Billionaires and the private sector
are getting involved

in unprecedented ways.

There are over a hundred
launch companies around the world

and roughly a dozen private
lunar transportation companies

readying robotic missions
to the lunar surface.

We have reusable rockets
for the first time in human history.

This will enable the development
of infrastructure

and utilization of resources.

While estimates vary, scientists think

there could be up to a billion metric tons
of water ice on the Moon.

That’s greater than the size of Lake Erie,

and enough water to support
perhaps hundreds of thousands of people

living and working on the Moon.

So although official plans
are always evolving,

there’s real reason to think
that we could see people

starting to live and work on the Moon

in the next decade.

However, the Moon is roughly
the size of the continent of Africa,

and we’re starting to see
that the key resources

may be concentrated in small areas

near the poles.

This raises important questions about
coordinating access to scarce resources.

And there are also legitimate questions
about going to the Moon:

colonialism, cultural heritage

and reproducing the systemic inequalities
of today’s capitalism.

And more to the point:

Don’t we have enough
big challenges here on Earth?

Internet governance, pandemics, terrorism
and, perhaps most importantly,

climate crisis and biodiversity loss.

In some senses,

the idea of the Moon as just a destination

embodies these problematic qualities.

It conjures a frontier attitude

of conquest,

big rockets and expensive projects,

competition and winning.

But what’s most interesting about the Moon

isn’t the billionaires with their rockets

or the same old
power struggle between states.

In fact, it’s not the hardware at all.

It’s the software.

It’s the norms, customs and laws.

It’s our social technologies.

And it’s the opportunity to update
our democratic institutions

and the rule of law

to respond to a new era
of planetary-scale challenges.

I’m going to tell you about
how the Moon can be a canvas

for solving some of our biggest
challenges here on Earth.

I’ve been kind of obsessed with this topic
since I was a teenager.

I’ve spent the last two decades
working on international space policy,

but also on small community projects
with bottom-up governance design.

When I was 17,

I went to a UN conference
on the peaceful uses of outer space

in Vienna.

Over two weeks, 160 young people
from over 60 countries

were crammed into a big hotel
next to the UN building.

We were invited to make recommendations

to Member States

about the role of space
in humanity’s future.

After the conference,

some of us were so inspired

that we actually decided
to keep living together.

Now, living with 20 people
might sound kind of crazy,

but over the years, it enabled us
to create a high-trust group

that allowed us to experiment
with these social technologies.

We designed governance systems
ranging from assigning a CEO

to using a jury process.

And as we grew into our careers,

and we moved from DC think tanks
to working for NASA

to starting our own companies,

these experiments enabled us to see

how even small groups
could be a petri dish

for important societal questions
such as representation,

sustainability or opportunity.

People often talk about the Moon
as a petri dish

or even a blank slate.

But because of the legal agreements
that govern the Moon,

it actually has something
very important in common

with our global challenges here on Earth.

They both involve issues that require us
to think beyond territory and borders,

meaning the Moon is actually
more of a template

than a blank slate.

Signed in 1967, the Outer Space Treaty
is the defining treaty

governing activities in outer space,

including the Moon.

And it has two key ingredients

that radically alter the basis
on which laws can be constructed.

The first is a requirement for free access
to all areas of a celestial body.

And the second is that the Moon
and other celestial bodies

are not subject to national appropriation.

Now, this is crazy,

because the entire earthly
international system –

the United Nations,

the system of treaties
and international agreements –

is built on the idea of state sovereignty,

on the appropriation of land
and resources within borders

and the autonomy to control free access
within those borders.

By doing away with both of these,

we create the conditions
for what are called the “commons.”

Based on the work of Nobel
Prize-winning economist Elinor Ostrom,

global commons are those resources
that we all share

that require us to work together
to manage and protect

important aspects
of our survival and well-being,

like climate or the oceans.

Commons-based approaches offer
a greenfield for institution design

that’s only beginning to be explored

at the global and interplanetary level.

What do property rights look like?

And how do we manage resources

when the traditional tools
of external authority and private property

don’t apply?

Though we don’t have all the answers,

climate, internet governance,
authoritarianism –

these are all deeply existential threats

that we have failed to address
with our current ways of thinking.

Successful paths forward
will require us to develop new tools.

So how do we incorporate
commons-based logic

into our global and space institutions?

Well, here’s one attempt
that came from an unlikely source.

As a young activist in World War II,

Arvid Pardo was arrested
for anti-fascist organizing

and held under death sentence
by the Gestapo.

After the war,

he worked his way
into the diplomatic corps,

eventually becoming the first
permanent representative of Malta

to the United Nations.

Pardo saw that international law
did not have the tools

to address management
of shared global resources,

such as the high seas.

He also saw an opportunity to advocate
for equitable sharing between nations.

In 1967, Pardo gave a famous speech
to the United Nations,

introducing the idea

that the oceans and their resources
were the “common heritage of mankind.”

The phrase was eventually adopted
as part of the Law of the Sea Treaty,

probably the most sophisticated
commons-management regime

on the planet today.

It was seen as a watershed moment,

a constitution for the seas.

But the language proved so controversial

that it took over 12 years
to gain enough signatures

for the treaty to enter into force,

and some states still refuse to sign it.

The objection was not so much
about sharing per se,

but the obligation to share.

States felt that the principle of equality
undermined their autonomy

and state sovereignty,

the same autonomy and state sovereignty
that underpins international law.

So in many ways,

the story of the common heritage principle

is a tragedy.

But it’s powerful because it makes plain

the ways in which the current world order
will put up antibodies and defenses

and resist attempts at structural reform.

But here’s the thing:

the Outer Space Treaty has already
made these structural reforms.

At the height of the Cold War,

terrified that each
would get to the Moon first,

the United States and the USSR

made the Westphalian equivalent
of a deal with the devil.

By requiring free access
and preventing territorial appropriation,

we are required to redesign
our most basic institutions,

and perhaps in doing so,

learn something new
we can apply here on Earth.

So although the Moon might seem
a little far away sometimes,

how we answer basic questions now

will set precedent
for who has a seat at the table

and what consent looks like.

And these are questions
of social technology,

not rockets and hardware.

In fact, these conversations
are starting to happen right now.

The space community is discussing
basic shared agreements,

such as how do we designate
lunar areas as heritage sites,

and how do we get permission
for where to land

when traditional external authority

doesn’t apply?

How do we enforce requirements
for coordination

when it’s against the rules
to tell people where to go?

And how do we manage
access to scarce resources

such as water, minerals

or even the peaks of eternal light –

craters that sit
at just the right latitude

to receive near-constant
exposure to sunlight –

and therefore, power?

Now, some people think
that the lack of rules on the Moon

is terrifying.

And there are legitimately
some terrifying elements of it.

If there are no rules on the Moon,

then won’t we end up
in a first-come, first-served situation?

And we might,

if we dismiss this moment.

But not if we’re willing to be bold
and to engage the challenge.

As we learned in our communities
of self-governance,

it’s easier to create something new
than trying to dismantle the old.

And where else but the Moon

can we prototype
new institutions at global scale

in a self-contained environment
with the exact design constraints needed

for our biggest challenges here on Earth?

Back in 1999,

the United Nations taught
a group of young space geeks

that we could think bigger,

that we could impact nations
if we chose to.

Today, the stage is set for the next step:

to envision what comes after
territory and borders.

Thank you.

现在,月球发生了很多
事情。

中国已宣布
计划在 2030 年代建成一个有人居住的南极站

,美国也制定
了官方路线图,以

寻求更多人
在太空生活和工作。

这将从
美国宇航局的阿尔忒弥斯计划开始,这是

一个国际计划,旨在将
本十年内第一位女性和下一位男性

送上月球。

亿万富翁和私营部门

以前所未有的方式参与其中。

全世界有一百
多家发射公司

和大约十二家私人
月球运输公司

正在准备将机器人任务
带到月球表面。

我们
在人类历史上第一次拥有可重复使用的火箭。

这将促进基础设施的发展

和资源的利用。

虽然估计各不相同,但科学家们认为月球

上可能有多达 10 亿吨
的水冰。

这比伊利湖的面积还要大,

而且水量足以支持
可能

在月球上生活和工作的数十万人。

因此,尽管官方
计划一直在发展,

但我们有理由
认为我们可以在未来十年看到人们

开始在月球上生活和工作

然而,月球
的大小与非洲大陆差不多

,我们开始
看到关键资源

可能集中在

两极附近的小区域。

这引发了关于
协调获取稀缺资源的重要问题。

还有
关于登月的合理问题:

殖民主义、文化遗产

和再现
当今资本主义的系统性不平等。

更重要的是:

我们
在地球上没有足够大的挑战吗?

互联网治理、流行病、恐怖主义
,也许最重要的是

气候危机和生物多样性丧失。

从某种意义上说,

月球只是一个目的地的想法

体现了这些有问题的品质。

它让人联想

到征服、

大火箭和昂贵项目、

竞争和胜利的前沿态度。

但月球最有趣

的不是那些拿着火箭的亿万富翁,也不是国家之间

同样古老的
权力斗争。

事实上,它根本不是硬件。

是软件。

这是规范、习俗和法律。

这是我们的社交技术。

这是更新
我们的民主制度

和法治

以应对全球挑战的新时代
的机会。

我将告诉你
月球如何

成为解决
地球上一些最大挑战的画布。

我从十几岁开始就对这个话题很着迷

在过去的二十年里,我
一直致力于国际空间政策,

同时也致力于
具有自下而上治理设计的小型社区项目。

17 岁时,

我参加了在维也纳举行的
关于和平利用外层空间的联合国会议

两周多来,
来自 60 多个国家的 160 名年轻人

被挤进
了联合国大楼旁的一家大酒店。

我们受邀就

空间
在人类未来中的作用向会员国提出建议。

会议结束后

,我们中的一些人受到了极大的鼓舞

,以至于我们实际上决定
继续住在一起。

现在,与 20 个人一起生活
可能听起来有点疯狂,

但多年来,它使我们
能够创建一个高度信任的群体

,让我们能够
试验这些社交技术。

我们设计
了从任命 CEO

到使用陪审团程序的治理系统。

随着我们职业生涯的发展

,我们从华盛顿智库
转向为 NASA 工作,

再到创办自己的公司,

这些实验使我们能够

看到即使是小团体
也可以成为

解决重要社会问题的培养皿,
例如代表性、

可持续性或 机会。

人们经常将月球
称为培养皿

,甚至是白板。

但由于管理月球的法律协议

它实际上

与我们在地球上的全球挑战有一些非常重要的共同点。

它们都涉及需要我们
超越领土和边界进行思考的问题,

这意味着月球实际上
更像是一个模板,而

不是一张白纸。

1967 年签署的《外层空间条约》

管理

包括月球在内的外层空间活动的定义性条约。

它有两个关键

因素从根本上改变
了法律的基础。

第一个是自由
进入天体所有区域的要求。

二是月球
等天体

不受国家拨款。

现在,这太疯狂了,

因为整个地球上的
国际体系

——联合国

、条约
和国际协定体系——

是建立在国家主权、

对境内土地
和资源的占有以及

控制的自主权之上的。
在这些边界内自由进入。

通过消除这两者,

我们
为所谓的“公地”创造了条件。

根据
诺贝尔奖获得者经济学家埃莉诺·奥斯特罗姆(Elinor Ostrom)的工作,

全球公域是
我们共享的资源

,需要我们
共同努力管理和保护

我们生存和福祉的重要方面,

例如气候或海洋。

基于 Commons 的方法
为机构设计提供了一片绿地,而

在全球和星际层面上才刚刚开始探索。

产权是什么样的?

外部权威和私有财产的传统工具

不适用时,我们如何管理资源?

尽管我们没有所有的答案,但

气候、互联网治理、
威权

主义——这些都是

我们目前的思维方式未能解决的深刻的生存威胁。

成功的前进道路
将需要我们开发新的工具。

那么,我们如何将
基于公地的逻辑

整合到我们的全球和太空机构中呢?

好吧,这是
一个来自不太可能的来源的尝试。

作为第二次世界大战中的年轻活动家,

阿尔维德·帕尔多
因组织反法西斯组织而被捕,

并被盖世太保判处死刑。

战后,


进入外交使团,

最终成为马耳他第一位

常驻联合国代表。

Pardo 认为国际法
没有工具

来解决
对公海等全球共享资源的管理问题

他还看到了倡导
国家之间公平分享的机会。

1967年,帕尔多在联合国发表了著名
演讲,

介绍

了海洋及其资源
是“人类共同遗产”的理念。

这句话最终被采纳
为《海洋法条约》的一部分,这

可能是当今地球上最复杂的
公地管理制度

这被视为一个分水岭,

是海洋的宪法。

但事实证明,该语言引起了极大的争议

,以至于该条约花了 12 年多的时间
才获得足够的签名

以使该条约生效,

而且一些国家仍然拒绝签署它。

反对意见与其说
是分享本身,不如说是

分享的义务。

各国认为平等原则
损害了它们的自治

和国家主权,而

这些自治和国家主权
正是国际法的基础。

因此,在许多方面,

共同遗产原则的故事

是一个悲剧。

但它之所以强大,是因为它

清楚地说明了当前世界秩序
将如何建立抗体和防御措施,

并抵制结构改革的尝试。

但事情是这样的

:《外层空间条约》已经
进行了这些结构性改革。

在冷战最

激烈的时候,美国和苏联害怕每个
人都会先登月,

所以威斯特伐利亚相当于
与魔鬼达成协议。

通过要求自由进入
和防止领土侵占,

我们需要重新设计
我们最基本的机构

,也许在这样做的过程中,

我们可以学到一些可以在地球上应用的新东西。

因此,虽然月球
有时看起来有点远,

但我们现在如何回答基本问题


为谁在餐桌上拥有一席之地

以及同意的样子开创先例。

这些
是社会技术的问题,

而不是火箭和硬件。

事实上,这些对话
现在就开始发生了。

太空界正在讨论
基本的共享协议,

例如我们如何将
月球区域指定为遗产地,

以及

在传统的外部授权

不适用的情况下,我们如何获得登陆地点的许可?

当告诉人们去哪里违反规则时,我们如何执行协调要求

我们如何管理
对稀缺资源的访问,

例如水、矿物质

,甚至是永恒之光的顶峰——

这些陨石坑
位于恰到好处的纬度

,可以几乎持续地
暴露在阳光下——

以及因此获得的能量?

现在,有些人
认为月球缺乏规则

是可怕的。

并且其中确实有
一些可怕的元素。

如果月球上没有规则,

那么我们最终会不会
陷入先到先得的局面?

如果我们忽略这一刻,我们可能会

但如果我们愿意勇敢
并接受挑战,就不会。

正如我们在自治社区中了解到的那样

,创造新事物
比试图拆除旧事物更容易。

除了月球之外,我们还能

在一个自给自足的环境中在全球范围内对新机构进行原型
设计,同时

满足我们在地球上面临的最大挑战所需的精确设计限制?

早在 1999 年

,联合国就教导
一群年轻的太空极客

,我们可以想得更大,

如果我们愿意,我们可以影响国家

今天,为下一步做好准备

:设想领土和边界之后会发生什么

谢谢你。