How to disrupt philanthropy in response to crisis Darren Walker

I have the privilege of leading the Ford

Foundation a foundation that has existed

for 80 years

foundations in America were really

started by a man named Andrew Carnegie

who in 1889 wrote a seminal document the

gospel of wealth in it he laid out the

tenants of American philanthropy that

would be used by the great titans of

industry and capitalism of the 20th

century from john d rockefeller JP

Morgan Henry Ford Andrew Mellon all the

way through to Bill Gates Michael

Bloomberg and many others and in his

gospel he said that the role of wealthy

men like himself and Rockefeller in

society was to give back to use their

bounty and their wealth to through

terrible causes improved a lot of the

common men the poor the dispossessed and

disadvantaged that idea of philanthropy

remains with us but I read a document by

Martin Luther King about philanthropy in

which he said the following philanthropy

is commendable but it should not allow

the philanthropist to overlook the

economic injustice which makes

philanthropy necessary you see dr. King

unlike Andrew Carnegie questioned the

economic injustice the very inequality

that made their wealth possible he

challenged the wealthy to think about

inequality and their complicity indeed

the complicity of many generous donors

and philanthropists in creating economic

injustice today we

and an age of inequality and if we are

to build back better

we must reconsider philanthropy we must

consider a different kind of economy and

capitalism and the question for the

wealthy the privileged philanthropist is

not what do I do to give back but what

am I willing to give up because without

we privileged powerful wealthy people

acknowledging our complicity in creating

and sustaining a system that is based on

racism and the kind of capitalism that

has generated in these last decades far

too little shared prosperity and so

today we in this country and around the

world are challenged by a sense of

hopelessness which is the great threat

of our time along with climate because

without hope it is hard to imagine that

we can have a democracy that is vibrant

in fact hope is the oxygen of democracy

and we through inequality and the

economic injustice we see far too much

of in America are literally asphyxiates

as we saw the murder of George

Floyd the breath was taken out of his

body by a man who was there to protect

and promote

it’s a metaphor for what is happening in

our society where people who are black

brown queer marginalized are literally

being asphyxiated by a system that does

not recognize their humanity if we are

to build back better that must change

thank you Chris thank you Dan

these are these are powerful words I’m

curious though how this conversation can

best lead to change I mean everyone’s

been shaken up by what’s happened in

your conversations with people let’s say

with the wealthy and the powerful when

you talk about their being complicit in

the system and first step is to

recognize that is that effective as a

rallying cry I suspect that some of

those people feel that they didn’t know

that they had evil intent or were part

of a sort of some sort of hidden

conspiracy that they’re created or this

damage is that the winning pitch to them

or is there also a pitch just based on

look at this system you can agree that

there’s this injustice that people are

suffering let’s fight together to

improve it and to focus more on a

rhetoric of possibility

and unhappiness specific policy changes

that people can support and and get

behind help us with that with the

language because it’s it’s it it’s it’s

it’s so sensitive right now or just

whichever way you look at it that people

are sort of a [ __ ] I think in some ways

even being driven apart just by the very

language in which this current

situation is being framed what’s been

your experience the last few weeks in

how you’ve communicated with others on

this well I think the real challenge

here is that for many people many people

are tired of having to constrain and

contort their language so that

privileged people can be comfortable one

of the things that must happen if we are

to build back better is that we

privileged people have to be

uncomfortable and I think some of the

pushback that you’re seeing is some

people feeling just uncomfortable with

the conversation just as many people

many white Americans have felt

uncomfortable with the conversation

about race let’s just acknowledge that

I’ve had people say to me why do you

have to talk about inequality and race

in the way isn’t there a better pitch

isn’t there a better way of the meaning

underneath that is really can’t we find

a way to keep keep wealthy people and

privileged people comfortable in this

conversation one of the realities is

that in order for us to make progress as

John Lewis points out we are going to

have to get uncomfortable and part of

the challenge for we privileged people

is that privilege buys you insulation

from being uncomfortable the whole idea

of privilege is to buy yourself the kind

of comfort the kind of convenience that

allows you to look away and so I think

for many Americans many white Americans

the murder of George

Floyd was the moment at which we will

look back and say we could no longer be

comfortable with racism in America

and as a friend of mine said she and her

husband were heartbroken by what they

saw

because this is not the America they

want to live in but as I said to her the

hearts of african-americans have been

broken for for centuries in this country

because of racism and so we now all know

we now all have a sense of just how

deeply rooted it is so the language of

how we talk about it is necessarily

going to make privileged people who have

who have benefited from a system that is

racist and a culture of white supremacy

just talking about that makes many

people uncomfortable but it will be

necessary for us if we are to make

progress so talk about how to turn that

discomfort into you know into action

like it you wrote to a powerful op-ed in

The New York Times a few days ago

well you spoke about some of the things

that we must be willing to give up and

you said you included in there the

intricate web of tax policies that

bolster our wealth the entrenched

systems in American colleges of legacy

admissions which gives a leg up to our

children and above all the expectation

that because of our money we are

entitled to a place at the front of the

line you explained that last part what

do you mean by that what I mean by that

is in our system we have created a fast

track a fast lane for the wealthy and

the privileged and the professor at at

Harvard Michael Sandel has written quite

beautifully about this issue and I just

think it is a part of the culture that

the rich and the wealthy believe that

they should always have a place at the

front of the line always

every line and I think that is bad for

our culture do you think they believe

that or that they just haven’t thought

about it

like I I know a lot of white people and

I’ve never heard someone actually

express that belief you know publicly in

any way so is it I always expect to be

at the front of the line no one’s going

to verbalize that but culturally we see

that we see that from the ways in which

people the wealthy attend sporting

events attend the kinds of events that

used to be where we all sat in the

bleachers together I took my daughter my

granddaughter sorry I took my my

goddaughter to Disneyland or somewhere

and they met there was literally a fast

track if you paid more your child did

not have to stand in the hot Sun for as

long as both regular children did and

and my point is just we have to

understand that this is a part of our

culture and because we believe in a

meritocracy in this country most people

believe and particularly most privileged

successful people believe first that the

rules are generally fair because they’re

winners and many of them have stories

and I’ve heard countless stories that I

started with nothing my father was a

bricklayer my mother had a high school

degree I started with nothing well you

started as a white man with the degree

from Harvard Business School in 1978 if

you don’t believe you had an advantage

then you’re not living in the world that

most Americans live in Darren tell us a

bit about your own story well my story

is really punctuated by a nation that

believed in poor low-income kids who

lived in urban and rural America and

that’s how in 1965 in a small town

called Ames Texas population 1,200 a

lady appeared in front of our little

shotgun Shack to tell my mother about

the new headstart program so I was lucky

enough to be in the first class the

inaugural class of head start in the

summer of 1965 and I went to public

schools in fact I like to remind people

that I have never attended a day of

private education in my life and I say

that with great pride because

increasingly in the places and spaces

I find myself I find fewer people with

that same trajectory and it concerns me

I had Pell grants I also had private

philanthropy so my journey was really

financed by of the public-private

partnership that is this amazing web of

support what I worry about today Chris

is that I felt when I was a little boy

and growing up even though I faced

racism and homophobia and lots of issues

I always felt like my country was

cheering me on I don’t think today that

little black boys and girls living in

shotgun shacks or in housing projects in

America cities feel like America is

cheering them on that they are going to

be able to get on the mobility escalator

as I did and I was born in the bottom 1%

in a Charity Hospital in a in a very

poor rural community in Louisiana and I

now find myself firmly as a part of the

1% top 1% so I’ve been on both sides of

the inequality equation

and I see that the difference is growing

further and further apart so help us

understand that better it sounds like

what you’re saying is that for a period

of time and perhaps over the course of

your life there actually was real

progress there were these programs that

allowed some people to you you know

benefit to have at least a chance at a

different kind of life it wasn’t their

progress and and then has that been

reversed and if it has been reversed

what was what was the key cause of that

reversal absolutely there was progress

and I remind people who I hear say

things like we haven’t made any progress

since the 1960s on poverty or why is

black unemployment at the levels it was

in 1968 and such data between 1965 and

1978 we made tremendous progress in this

country rates of graduation from high

school college our wages employment

levels for blacks in America were at

all-time highs we made massive massive

progress and the data are clear on that

but something happened and what happened

was in many facets of American life

White’s saw the progress of blacks as a

threat and so one of the things that

immediately came under attack was

affirmative action which was a policy to

redress the white supremacy that is

baked in to the DNA of this country and

our policies well White’s some whites

argued that that was reverse

discrimination and took a case to the

Supreme Court that outlawed racial

quotas and since that time we have been

in

fight around this issue of reverse

discrimination which is a an incredibly

precious idea to turn a policy that

seeks to redress the white supremacy

that is built into our nation to redress

that as itself a form of discrimination

but this was a huge boon for blacks I am

a product of affirmative action and I

say that with pride because my country

actually acknowledged the historical

legacy but we lost and have lost on that

and it is much more difficult now there

were a number of interventions like that

that propelled us forward but what

happened was a combination of a reversal

of those policies and an economy that

increasingly marginalized black workers

and thirdly at the same time an ascent

of a criminal justice system would

proactively sought to incarcerate black

and brown Americans at higher rates and

so we have seen this convergence of

really pernicious harmful clearly

directed at African Americans these

policies these practices that have

rendered us so marginal in the economy

and it is no surprise that we see people

on the streets marching with the words

black lives matter because it is clear

in this country that black lives have

mattered less than white lives you spoke

there of the need for criminal justice

reform and you’ve played a big role in

that

many people black and white and actually

left and right have

come together to seek different forms of

criminal justice reform but the actual

doing of it ends up really hard I mean I

you published this amazing piece last

autumn called in defense of nuance and

you wrote you wrote this and this

connects to criminal justice reform in a

minute you wrote in the boardrooms of

businesses and museums on committees and

campuses and everywhere in between

seeking common ground has been replaced

by a retreat to our corners like

fighting fire with fire

the fiery is met with fiery and no one

seems willing to turn down the

temperature rather than building bridges

and relationships based on mutual

understanding or shared respect this

oppositional nuanced averse posture

rewards ideological purity and public

shame the very things that scuttles

strong working relationships and

incentivize people to dig in their heels

so that was that was as eloquent a sort

of an appeal to a kind of a bridging

mentality of saying look situations of

complex we’ve got to listen to each

other work through complexity to resolve

them and yet this piece landed you in a

firestorm because one of the examples

you you gave in this was that as part of

you know the the drive to close down

Rikers Island which is this horrifying

cesspit of a prison that you would

support for smaller prisons being built

were you know modern and collectively

much you know smaller than Rikers Island

that was a compromise that that that got

you in trouble I mean do you you know

activists said no you know you you you

can’t support any extra jail building

that they’re far too many people in jail

anyway

I mean how what’s your take on that now

do you still believe in the importance

of nuance as we address these issues I

absolutely believe in the importance of

nuance because the challenges we face as

a society are incredibly complex

and it is important to understand that

if we are to solve these problems we

can’t solve it by simply naming and

shaming I think we have to acknowledge

that there are many opportunities to

build allies and to create the forums

for people who share a diagnosis and and

and it doesn’t mean that you share an

idea about what exactly the solution is

but there are a lot of people who would

share the diagnosis that our criminal

justice system is broken so let’s get

all of those people around the table

let’s not leave out any of those people

and then let’s figure out how we go

forward

and and that’s simply my pitch on all of

these issues were facing and I

understand why for a lot of people and I

think it’s it’s it’s one of the reasons

for example the defund police movement

has has gained such currency when it did

not have the currency that it had before

George Floyd murder I think part of it

also is because for those who were

saying let’s tweak around the edges and

let’s make community policing the model

I think for many people they’ve given up

on that idea that you can actually tweak

around the edges that that may be three

years ago two years ago they might have

been willing to negotiate to say tweak

around the edges but at this point

people are tired people are exhausted

and they’re angry and they’re grieving

and it is all legitimate and so the idea

of defunding the police

which was a marginal radical idea is now

mainstream and being considered as a way

to reimagine

a different kind of law enforcement and

and I believe that we’re going to need

that kind of thinking as we consider how

to build back better No maybe that your

call for nuance is crucial there because

if defending the police is viewed as an

all-or-nothing thing it’s it’s like

that’s a huge arguably that’s a huge

force that will aid the reelection of

the president so forth if it’s fuel

you’re exactly right

so all right so let’s take some

questions from the community here

Andy Burland

what are your thoughts on the best way

for employees of big companies to hold

corporate leaders accountable to honor

their stated commitments to addressing

systemic racism and inequality well I

believe there’s going to need to be a

reckoning in corporate America that is

aligned with the reckoning in the rest

of America that we have built into our

mechanisms of promotion of recognition

with and and and success barriers and

those barriers are often race-based

they’re gender-based the way we hold

them accountable is two ways one that we

come back a year from now because the

media will move on in some ways but the

media will be back and organizations

whose work it is to actually hold them

accountable nonprofits that work in the

ESG space the civil civil rights and

racial justice organizations will hold

them to account the other thing that

must

happen and II is that we have to change

the composition of corporate America

that is how we will hold corporations to

account so we need to move beyond the

tokenism that exists on most public

company boards and in private equity

because we talk a lot about the fortune

500 there are fewer public companies

today because of private equity and yet

very few people understand what is

behind the curtain called private equity

where millions of Americans are employed

and that there are literally thousands

of small to medium sized companies with

boards so these boards need to be

diverse and we need to move beyond the

paradigm of oh we’ve got a black and the

Latinas on our board check-check let’s

move on I’ve certainly been vocal on the

boards that I’m on that we need to think

very seriously about moving from

tokenism to transformation let’s take

the next question

this one’s anonymous how have you chip

how have you changed how the Ford

Foundation operates to address fraud in

equity not in terms of the programs you

support but rather how you support them

and perhaps this is a good chance to

talk about this amazing social bond

initiative that you just announced I

don’t well I do think that we have

changed a number of ways in how we

support organizations first most

foundations provide project support and

having run a non-profit I know that

project support is basically a contract

and is something that is often generated

by the foundation and you’re treated

like a contractor and you’re paid like a

contractor often with very little

overhead I have challenged this

foundation to

a new way of funding and we have an

initiative called our build initiative

which is a is a general operating

support a five-year grant program and we

now are at 76% general operating support

having been 21 percent when I came to

the foundation

I believe providing general operating

support is the most valuable not only

capital for investment but also it is

the way to endorse the leadership the

board the mission the vision the

execution so I believe it’s not about

investing in projects or looking for the

shiny new thing institutions are what

sustain social change yes Martin Luther

King was a great individual leader a

great social entrepreneur but he had the

SCLC as a mechanism an institution

Gloria Steinem a Muhammad Yunus I could

go through the list of individuals the

fourth foundation is funded but they had

to have Grameen Bank and the MS

Foundation and the list goes on and on

so institutions should be invested in

that’s first secondly we have to get out

of our way of of conservative thinking

about the capital we have at our

disposal beyond the 5% what are we doing

with the other 95% how do we think about

deploying that and Chris mentioned an

initiative that we have led here that

came out of our concern of what was

happening what we were hearing from

nonprofits in the wake of kovat and the

wake of canceled fundraisers dark

theaters donors are pulling back on

giving as a result of what was happening

in March and April and May in the

markets so I with the trustees of the

foundation generated this idea of

issuing a social bond a bond that would

be a 50

year dead instrument that we would issue

in the capital market for 1 billion

dollars which would allow us to double

our payout so we would pay out for the

next two years we normally pay out $550

$550 or so so we pay out over 1 billion

for 2 years and that it would primarily

be general operating support to those

key mission critical critical

institutions working on racial justice

inequality issues of reproductive rights

and justice human rights the arts and so

this is how we’re working today it’s

it’s far from perfect we must do better

but we I believe at Ford have we are we

are working at understanding that

balance that legacy foundations have

that I think is too balanced too

imbalanced towards preservation rather

than innovation and I want to focus on

innovation and if we innovate well then

the preservation part will be taken care

of let me just see if I understand the

financial instrument here because it as

I read you got really favorable terms on

this debt you you have to you have these

bonds that you have to pay back at a

rate of about 2% and it’s it’s it’s a

lot lower than like big companies are

paying on the on the bond market too but

some people might wonder why not rather

than having this debt that you have to

service over the next 30 or 50 years why

not just pay out the billion dollars I

mean people you know why should a

foundation sustain its endowment forever

well the future have a lot more wealth

aren’t the intense problems that could

make or break the future with us now

what why not just pay out the money

directly or more radically why not just

have a 10 year plan to spend all of the

endowment and put yourself out out of

out of business how do you think about

that well first most foundations like

Ford or Rockefeller can’t put ourselves

out of business

our charters we are established to exist

in perpetuity and while we probably

could go to court or do something to

break up that the donor’s charter that

established us we do have that

responsibility and I would like to

believe that there will be more funders

in the future who talk about the way we

do race and social justice but we are

far from there because many of these

ideas actually challenge the very

systems that create wealth in this

country so I don’t believe at this point

that taking money and what the

investment experts would say reducing

our liquidity at a time when the markets

are more volatile and we will need that

liquidity to pay out grants that that’s

a smart investment strategy if you

believe that you do have some fiduciary

responsibility to to continue into the

future the social bond idea allows us to

do both allows us to take advantage as

you said Chris this is a historic high a

historic low in terms of rates and for

the Ford Foundation this was the first

ever foundation issued bond of its kind

we were oversubscribed we sold 1 billion

dollars of bonds we had over 5 billion

dollars of orders from customers of the

various underwriters and so there was a

pent-up demand and because of that as

you say we borrowed at basically 2.8

percent for 50 years which is

unprecedented but it shows you I think

the hunger on the part of investors in

investing even at low rates in a social

bond a a bond that is going the proceeds

of which are going to be used to advance

social justice in the world that’s

amazing that there’s 4 billion dollars

of unrequited demand there to me that

implies someone who retail

yes had a full billion dollar idea to

help make America in the world a better

place there’s funding there for it like

that seems like an opportunity to my

other friends in in philanthropy Chris

there was there is you know five point

eight billion dollars of orders and we

were only selling a billion hey guys

there’s a lot of capital out there that

we could all put to work in philanthropy

at very very attractive rates that’s

doing Ted community put your creative

hat someplace on on that one let’s have

another community question how do we

keep the arts theaters concert halls and

the vast web of culture that enlivens

our cities and communities how do we

keep that a priority in this crisis it’s

got to be a priority in this crisis

because without the arts we atrophy as a

society and so not just in the cities

but in small towns as well we have an

obligation so we are taking about of the

social bomb that we are doing we are

investing about a hundred and

seventy-five million dollars of the 1

billion in the arts I would also say

that we have to have our governments do

more and I think there needs to be as we

consider the next round and there will

be another round of support from

Washington the role of the arts is going

to is critical and we should be

advocating to ensure that that is

recognized in whatever large allocation

of federal funds comes to the cities I

also think we are going to have to think

creatively donors can think creatively

in fact I had a billionaire family in

the UK who want to start

an arts trust and through an arts bond

and they are thinking creatively we are

all going to have to think creatively

now in ways in which we never did in the

past to address this issue of inequality

and the way in which kovat is impacting

us I’ve talked about we’ve got in higher

education the HBCUs who are living

hand-to-mouth and the great Ivy’s

Harvard and Yale and Stanford with

literally more money than than one could

imagine and of course it costs a lot for

excellence but wouldn’t it be

interesting for a group of Ivy’s to

issue a social bond of several billion

dollars the proceeds of which could be

used to strengthen the HBCUs whom all

together which number well over 100 how

about taking on that kind of inequality

how about in the arts asking ourselves

not just about Lincoln Center where I am

on the board so I feel strongly about

the importance of the Lincoln centers

and Kennedy centers of the world but

quite candidly Lincoln Center is gonna

be okay it’s going to be rough and tough

but it’s going to survive there are many

arts organizations particularly arts

organizations that are led by people of

color that are in those communities that

don’t have endowments boards who can put

together emergency fundraising campaigns

who don’t have 12 months of operating

cash flow those are the organizations I

worry about being on the precipice and

while I’m gonna fight for Lincoln Center

and Carnegie Hall where I’m on the board

and the National Gallery I’ve got to

also recognize that those organizations

visa vie the larger arts community are

very privileged and we’ve got to be

focused on

the gap between those who have and those

who do not okay we’re gonna have three

more questions quickly let’s and I’ll be

brief I promise all right

so now litora can that be real progress

without taxing wealth no there can’t be

progress in reducing inequality without

and I and Chris you referenced the most

recent New York Times opinion piece

where I wrote we have to have a

reconsideration of our tax policy

without that it is impossible to imagine

how we rebuild all right thank you next

question ad Delaney how do we create

empathy and motivation to give among

those who have generational wealth and

therefore have no experience of

financial need

well actually I find that people with

generational wealth often are very

generous and very empathetic and

sometimes it’s because they understand

that they got the lottery I mean that

they inherited this great wealth and

whether it be guilt or whether it be a

real noblesse oblige or whatever it may

be they they do want to give and I think

many could give more there’s no doubt I

find it much more challenging among

newly wealth people who for whom this

idea of I made the money and it is mine

to decide what to do with and and how

quickly I want to give it away is really

up to me to decide and how and to whom I

want to give it to is for me and I want

to give as little of it as possible to

the government because I actually am in

a better position to make decisions

about how to solve our nation’s problems

than the government um that ideology I

think is very hard because it’s the

combination of arrogance and ignorance

which is a lethal toxic combination that

regrettably I find far too present in

our society today just occasionally you

find among those people like if you’re

talking about entrepreneurs who’ve made

a fortune that that kind of bold

entrepreneurial thinking occasionally

leads to bold philanthropic vision and

so I’ve seen a mix there my god I wish

people would do more but because it’s

that it’s not actually it’s that mindset

of just really thinking big and outside

the box that could make a huge

difference here and really take fernsby

to a new level but it could be worse I

also find among that group people who

don’t believe in institutions as a

mechanism for change who are looking for

the new shiny silver object who want a

one or two year big bang and and that’s

great

I I I’m not diminishing that what I’m

saying is I I would not want that to

become the overall sort of philanthropy

mindset because chasing the shiny new

silver object is not going to to change

how race and racism is addressed

systemically which is the only way we’re

going to be able to change things and

until I’m all for projects I’m all for

prizes I’m all for great but at the end

of the day long term long range

investment as philanthropy in

institutions and people is what sustains

change and I’ll give one final example

on that I just approved in 1963 the Ford

Foundation funded the n-double-a-cp

Legal Defense Fund the LDF to

the states of Mississippi Alabama and

Georgia for voter suppression keeping

blacks from the polls

I just approved a round of grants to the

Legal Defense Fund to sue the states of

Mississippi Alabama and Georgia for

voter suppression there is no shiny

silver object that is going to keep the

issue of racism in those states and

keeping black people from voting

other than rule of law and the

institutions who will hold elected

officials to account and that’s an

institution and it’s going to always

need to exist as long as there is racism

baked in to our policies and our culture

and that’s where my head is for

philanthropy and I know it sounds

old-fashioned and I don’t sound cool and

you know I’m not I mean because I’m not

cool and I’m not that I don’t hang out

with colder people because at the end of

the day those are great and I love the

advances but you got to have

institutions in a democracy yeah we’ll

take one more question I think this may

have to be the last actually Chadbourne

run quest what are your thoughts

regarding how willing our country is to

fundamentally shift our systems in ways

you suggest a required Todd Burr and I

think I am very hopeful I’m hopeful

because I talked to more people more

privileged people especially more

powerful people who share the diagnosis

who two or three years ago probably

didn’t share the diagnosis who two or

three years ago could still find reasons

to say oh it’s not that bad or I mean I

once had a billionaire say to me why do

you write so much about inequality it’s

such a downer why don’t you write about

opportunity this is America we believe

in opportunity all of this inequality

stuff is a downer that same billionaire

today is very comfortable talking about

inequality and racism and the

intersection so I am starting to see I

had a CEO of a major fortune 500 company

who sent my op-ed piece from last week

which called out the precious effect of

stock repurchases the share buybacks

that have become the main priority under

the friedman ideology I challenge that

and said we need to reconsider that as a

priority that’s a that’s a pretty I mean

for a public company director that was a

pretty radical thing to say but it’s

true

and in fact he sent it to the directors

of this company which is very

interesting that actually because my

issue is that executive compensation is

so distorted because of the ways in

which these policies and cent share

buybacks and the fact that you’ve got a

fortune 50 CEO sending that to his board

and his comp committee for conversation

I think is a tiny tiny indicator of what

could be possible if we actually

mobilize people and we don’t we don’t

allow this to subside we keep we keep at

it

so that’s probably a good a good place

to to bring this to a close I mean it

sounds like Darwin you really believe

there is a possibility now that people

from many different quarters can come

together in this moment recognize their

privileges recognize the depth of

difficulty of some of these issues and

work together with passion and with

nuance to try and figure this stuff out

and so solve some of these problems do

you I mean how are you on a typical day

do you feel do you feel just dismayed

about where we are at you do you really

see enough sign

that we could emerge from this and get

some things actually fixed well Chris on

any given day if you are on social media

or have your telly turned on it is

impossible at some point not to be

depressed

dejected despondent but I am actually

very hopeful more hopeful than I’ve ever

been because I see for the first time in

America a reckoning with a history we

have been unable to collectively

acknowledge as problematic wrong and

that history is with us as James Baldwin

reminded us 60 years ago it is with us

and I truly believe my favorite poet

Langston Hughes almost a century ago

wrote let America be America and in it

he says America never was America to me

but he goes on to say in the final

sonnet but yes oh someday America will

be Langston Hughes was defiant and angry

that as a black man in 1938 when he

wrote that poem he knew he was a

second-class citizen in this country

founded on ideals of justice and

equality but he was hopeful that someday

America would be America and I believe

that we no longer can wait for that

someday that this generation should not

have to say someday in the future

America will be America the time for

America to be a

erica is today darn thank you so much

for those words thank you for your

leadership and thank you for being part

of this conversation with us today thank

you thank you Chris for the invitation

我有幸领导福特

基金会 一个已经

存在 80 年的

基金会 美国的基金会实际上

是由一个名叫安德鲁·卡内基的人创立的

从约翰·d·洛克菲勒、

摩根大通、亨利·福特、安德鲁·梅隆,

一直到比尔·盖茨、迈克尔·

布隆伯格和许多其他人,20世纪工业和资本主义的伟大巨头都会使用它,在他的

福音书中,他说富人的角色

就像他自己和洛克菲勒在

社会上一样,是要回馈社会,利用他们的

慷慨和财富,通过

可怕的事业改善了很多

普通人,穷人,被剥夺和

处于不利地位的人,慈善事业的想法

仍然存在,但我读了

马丁路德金的文件 关于慈善事业

,他说以下慈善事业

值得称赞,但不应

让慈善家忽视

生态 经济上的不公正使

慈善事业成为必要,你看博士。 金

与安德鲁·卡内基不同,他质疑

经济不公正

正是使他们的财富成为可能的不平等,他

挑战富人思考

不平等和他们的同谋实际上

是许多慷慨的捐助者

和慈善家在

今天我们

和一个不平等的时代制造经济不公正的同谋,如果我们

要重建得更好,

我们必须重新考虑慈善事业,我们必须

考虑不同类型的经济和

资本主义,而对于

富人来说,特权慈善家的问题

不是我要回馈什么,而是我愿意放弃什么

,因为没有

我们特权强大 富人

承认我们在创建

和维持一个基于种族主义和资本主义的体系方面是同谋,而

这种资本主义

在过去几十年里产生的

共同繁荣太少了,所以

今天我们在这个国家和

世界各地都面临着一种挑战

绝望

是我们这个时代与气候一起的巨大威胁,因为

没有希望地使用很难想象

我们可以拥有一个充满活力的民主

事实上希望是民主的氧气

,我们通过不平等和

我们在美国看到太多的经济不公正

实际上是窒息,

因为我们看到谋杀 乔治·

弗洛伊德(George Floyd)的呼吸被

一个在那里保护

和促进

它的人从他的身体中抽出,这是对我们社会中正在发生的事情的隐喻,在

这个社会中,被

边缘化的黑褐色酷儿实际上

被一个不承认他们的系统窒息

人性,如果我们

要重建得更好,那必须改变

谢谢克里斯,谢谢丹

,这些都是强有力的词我很

好奇,虽然这次谈话如何

最好地导致改变我的意思是每个人都

被你与人们谈话中发生的事情所震撼

你谈论他们在系统中的同谋时,假设有钱有势的人

,第一步是要

认识到这就像

集会一样有效 哭泣我怀疑其中一些

人觉得他们不

知道他们有邪恶的意图,或者

是他们制造的某种隐藏阴谋的一部分,或者这种

损害是他们的获胜球场

或者是 还有一个仅基于

查看该系统的建议,您可以

同意人们正在遭受这种不公正现象,

让我们共同努力

改善它,并更多地关注

人们可以支持和支持的特定政策变化的可能性和不快乐的言论

用语言帮我们解决这个问题,

因为它就是它

它现在它是如此敏感,或者

不管你怎么看它,

我认为人们有点他妈的在某些方面

甚至被它所使用的

语言所驱使 目前的

情况正在制定中

过去几周

你在这口

井上与他人沟通

的经历 必须限制和

扭曲他们的语言,以便有

特权的人可以感到舒适

如果我们要重建得更好,必须发生的事情之一

是,我们有

特权的人必须

感到不舒服,我

认为你所看到的一些阻力 是不是有些

对谈话

感到

不舒服,就像许多美国白人对关于种族的谈话感到不舒服一样,

让我们承认,

有人对我说,为什么你

必须谈论不平等和

种族问题? 没有更好的音调

难道没有更好的方式来表达

下面的含义吗我们真的不能找到

一种方法让富人和

特权人士在这次

谈话中保持舒适的现实之一

是为了让我们 正如

约翰·刘易斯(John Lewis)指出的那样,取得进展,我们将

不得不感到不舒服,而

对于我们享有特权的人来说,挑战的一部分是

特权可以使您

免受不合规矩的影响 舒适 特权的整个概念

是给自己买

那种舒适 那种

让你移开视线的便利 所以我认为

对于许多美国人 许多白人美国人

乔治·弗洛伊德的谋杀

是我们

回顾并说的那一刻 我们不能再

对美国的种族主义感到满意

,正如我的一个朋友所说,她和她的

丈夫对他们所看到的感到心碎,

因为这不是他们

想要生活的美国,而是正如我对她所说

的非洲裔美国人的心 由于种族主义

在这个国家已经被破坏了几个世纪

,所以我们现在都知道我们现在都知道

它是多么根深蒂固,所以

我们谈论它的语言

必然会让拥有特权的

人 受益于种族主义的制度

和白人至上的文化,

只是谈论这让很多

人感到不舒服,但

如果我们要取得进步,这对我们来说是必要的,

所以谈谈如何转变 几天前,你

在《纽约时报》上写了一篇有影响力的专栏文章,你知道这种不适会付诸行动,

好吧,你谈到了一些

我们必须愿意放弃的事情,

你说你在其中包括了

复杂的税收政策网络

支持我们的财富

美国大学的传统

招生制度根深蒂固,这为我们的

孩子提供了支持,最重要的是

期望由于我们的钱,我们

有权排在你解释的最前面的位置

最后一部分

你的意思是什么我的意思

是在我们的系统中,我们

为富人

和特权者创造了一条快车道,

哈佛迈克尔桑德尔的教授写得很

漂亮关于这个问题,我 只是

认为这是文化的一部分

,富人和富人认为

他们应该始终在每条线路的最前面都有一个位置

,我认为这对

我们的文化有害,你认为 他们相信

,或者他们只是没有考虑

过,

就像我认识很多白人一样,而且

我从未听说有人

以任何方式公开表达过你所知道的这种信念,

所以我一直期望

站在前面 这条线没有人会

用语言表达,但从文化

上我们看到,我们从富人参加体育赛事的方式中看到,我们看到

过去我们都坐在

看台上的各种活动我带着我的女儿我的

孙女 抱歉,我带我的

教女去了迪斯尼乐园或其他地方

如果你付更多的钱,你的孩子

不必像普通孩子那样站在烈日下

,我的意思是我们有

了解这是我们文化的一部分

,因为我们相信

这个国家的精英管理,大多数人都

相信,尤其是大多数有特权的

成功人士首先相信

规则通常是公平的,因为 他们是

赢家,他们中的许多人都有故事

,我听过无数的故事,我

一无所有 我父亲是一名

瓦工 我母亲有高中

学位 我一无所有开始你

是一个拥有哈佛学位的白人

1978 年的商学院 如果

你不相信自己有优势,

那么你就不是生活在

大多数美国人生活在达伦的世界里 告诉我们

一些关于你自己的故事 好吧,我的

故事真的被一个相信穷人的国家打断

生活在美国城市和农村的低收入孩子,

这就是 1965 年在

德克萨斯州埃姆斯人口 1,200 的小镇上,一位

女士出现在我们的小

猎枪小屋前,向我母亲讲述

了新的启蒙计划,所以我很

幸运 在头等舱

1965 年夏天的第一堂课,我去了公立

学校,事实上我想提醒人们

,我这辈子从来没有上过一天的

私立教育,我

用 gre 说 感到自豪,因为

在我发现自己越来越多的地方和空间中,

我发现有相同轨迹的人越来越少

,这让我很担心

我有佩尔助学金我也有私人

慈善事业,所以我的旅程真的

是由公私

伙伴关系资助的,这太神奇了

我今天担心的克里斯

是,当我还是个小男孩

和成长的时候,尽管我面临

种族主义和同性恋恐惧症以及许多问题,

我总觉得我的国家在

为我欢呼我今天不这么认为

生活

在美国城市猎枪棚屋或住房项目中的黑人小男孩和女孩

觉得美国正在

为他们欢呼,因为他们

将能够像我一样登上移动自动扶梯

,而我出生在美国最底层的 1%

位于路易斯安那州一个非常贫穷的农村社区的慈善医院,我

现在发现自己坚定地成为

1% 前 1% 的一部分,所以我一直站在

不平等等式的两边

,我看到差异越来越

大 她离得更远,所以请帮助我们

更好地理解,听起来

你所说的更好的是,在

一段时间内,也许在

你的一生中,实际上取得了真正的

进步,这些计划

让你认识的一些人

至少有机会过

另一种生活是有益的,这不是他们的

进步,然后这种情况被

逆转了,如果已经逆转,那么逆转

的关键原因是什么,

绝对有进步

,我提醒人们 我听到

谁说我们

自 1960 年代以来在贫困问题上没有取得任何进展,或者为什么

黑人失业率处于 1968 年的水平,

以及 1965 年至 1978 年间的此类数据,

我们在这个

国家的高中毕业率方面取得了巨大进步

大学 我们的工资

美国黑人的就业水平

处于历史最高水平 我们取得了巨大的

进步,数据清楚地表明了这

一点,但发生了一些事情,发生的事情

是在许多方面 美国生活

怀特认为黑人的进步是一种

威胁,因此

立即受到攻击的一件事是

平权行动,这是一项

纠正

根植于这个国家的 DNA 和

我们的政策的白人至上主义的政策。 白人

辩称这是反向

歧视,并向

最高法院提起诉讼,禁止种族

配额,从那时起,我们一直

围绕反向歧视问题进行斗争,

这是一个非常

宝贵的想法,可以转变一项

旨在纠正

建立在我们国家中的白人至上主义是为了纠正

这本身就是一种歧视,

但这对黑人来说是一个巨大的

福音 已经失去了

这一点,现在变得更加困难了,

有许多这样的干预

措施推动了我们前进,但是发生了什么

ed

是这些政策的逆转和

越来越边缘化黑人工人的经济的组合

明确针对非裔美国人的真正有害有害的

这些

政策这些做法

使我们在经济中如此边缘化

,我们看到人们

在街上游行并标榜“

黑人的生命很重要”也就不足为奇了,因为

在这个国家很明显,黑人 生命

比白人的生命更重要 你在

那里谈到了刑事司法改革的必要性

,你在

许多黑人和白人,实际上

左翼和右翼的人

聚集在一起寻求不同形式的

刑事司法改革方面发挥了重要作用,但是 实际

做起来真的很难我的意思是

你去年秋天发表了这篇令人惊叹的作品

f nuance,

你写的,你写的,这

与刑事司法改革有关在一

分钟内你写在企业的董事会

和博物馆的委员会和

校园中,以及在两者之间的任何地方

寻求共同点已

被撤退到我们的角落,如

灭火 火

与火相遇,似乎没有人

愿意调低

温度,而是

在相互

理解或共同尊重的基础上建立桥梁和关系 这种

对立的微妙厌恶姿态

奖励意识形态纯洁和公众

羞耻 破坏

牢固工作关系的事情 并

激励人们紧跟

其后,这样就可以雄辩地

呼吁一种桥接

心态,即看起来

复杂的情况,我们必须互相倾听,

通过复杂的工作来解决

它们,然而 这篇文章让你陷入了一场风暴,因为你在这篇文章中给出的一个

例子是作为一部分

你们中的一些人知道关闭赖克斯岛的动力,

这是一个可怕

的监狱粪坑,如果你知道现代的并且集体比赖克斯岛更小,你会

支持建造更小的监狱,

这是一个妥协,这让

你 有麻烦我的意思是你知道

活动家说不你知道你你

不能支持任何额外的监狱

建设反正他们在监狱里的人太多

了我的意思是你的看法现在

你仍然相信

在我们解决这些问题

时细微差别的重要性我绝对相信细微差别的重要性,

因为我们作为一个社会所面临的挑战

非常复杂

,重要的是要理解,

如果我们要解决这些问题,我们

不能通过简单的命名来解决它

我认为我们必须承认

,有很多机会可以

建立盟友并为有

共同诊断的人创建论坛

关于解决方案到底是什么的想法,

但是有很多人会

分享我们的刑事

司法系统被破坏的诊断,所以让我们让

所有这些人围坐在桌子旁,

让我们不要遗漏任何人

,然后让我们弄清楚如何 我们继续

前进

,这只是我对所有

这些问题所面临的问题的看法,我

理解为什么对很多人来说,我

认为这就是原因之一

,例如,撤资警察运动

已经获得了如此多的货币,而实际上并

没有 拥有

乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)谋杀之前的货币,我认为部分原因

也是因为对于那些

说让我们调整边缘并

让社区监管模式的人,

我认为对于许多人来说,他们已经放弃

了你的想法 实际上可以调整

边缘,这可能是三

年前两年前他们

可能愿意谈判说调整

边缘但在这一点上

人们累了

他们很生气,他们在悲伤

,这一切都是合法的,所以

取消对警察的资助,

这是一个边缘激进的想法,现在已经

成为主流,被认为是一种

重新构想不同类型执法的方式,

而且我 相信我们在

考虑如何

更好地重建时将需要这种想法不也许你

对细微差别的呼吁在那里至关重要,因为

如果捍卫警察被视为

全有或全无的事情,那就

像是 可以说这是一股巨大的

力量,将有助于

总统的连任等等,如果它是燃料,

你是完全正确的

,所以让我们

在这里回答社区的一些问题

安迪伯兰

你对大型员工的最佳方式有何看法

公司要让

企业领导人负责履行

他们对解决

系统性种族主义和不平等问题的既定承诺 我

相信

美国企业界需要

与 考虑到在美国

其他地区,我们已经

在促进认可的机制中建立

了成功障碍,

这些障碍通常是基于种族的,

它们是基于性别的,我们追究

他们责任的方式有两种方式,一种是 我们

一年后会回来,因为

媒体会在某些方面继续前进,但

媒体会回来,而组织

的工作实际上是让他们

对在 ESG 领域工作的非营利组织负责,

公民权利和

种族正义组织将持有

他们要考虑另一件

必须

发生的事情,第二是我们必须改变

美国公司的构成,

这就是我们将如何让公司

承担责任,因此我们需要超越

大多数上市公司董事会和私募股权中存在的象征主义

因为我们经常谈论财富

500 强,因为私募股权,今天的上市公司越来越少

,但

很少有人了解

幕后的故事

数以百万计的美国人受雇于私人股本

,实际上有成千上万

的中小型公司设有

董事会,因此这些董事会需要

多样化,我们需要超越这样的

范式,哦,我们有黑人和

拉丁裔 我们的董事会检查检查让我们

继续前进我当然一直在我所在的

董事会上发声,我们需要

非常认真地考虑从

象征主义转向转型让我们

来回答下一个问题

这个匿名的你如何筹码

你怎么样 改变福特

基金会的运作方式以解决股权欺诈,

而不是根据您支持的计划

,而是根据您支持它们的方式

,也许这是一个

谈论您刚刚宣布的令人惊叹的社会纽带

计划的

好机会 确实认为

我们在支持组织方面已经改变了许多方式,

首先大多数

基金会提供项目支持,并且

已经运行了一个非营利组织我知道

项目支持基本上是 一份合同

,通常是

由基金会生成的,你被

当作承包商对待,你得到的报酬也像

承包商一样,而且

管理费用很少

我们的建设

计划是一项一般运营

支持 为期五年的赠款计划,我们

现在的一般运营支持为 76%

,当我来到基金会时,这一比例为 21%

我相信提供一般运营

支持不仅是资本最有价值

投资,但它

也是认可领导层

董事会 使命 愿景

执行力的方式 所以我相信这与

投资项目或寻找

闪亮的新事物无关

领导者是一位

伟大的社会企业家,但他将

SCLC 作为一种机制

Gloria Steinem a Muhammad Yunus 我

可以浏览以下列表 个人

第四个基金会得到资助,但他们

必须有格莱珉银行和 MS

基金会,名单还在继续,

所以机构应该投资,

这是第一,其次,我们必须

摆脱对

我们拥有的资本的保守思考 由我们

支配的 5% 之外的

95% 我们如何看待

部署它,克里斯提到了

我们在这里领导的一项倡议,这

是出于我们对正在

发生的事情的担忧,我们从非营利组织那里听到

的 由于 3 月、4 月和 5 月市场上发生的事情,科瓦特和

筹款活动取消后,

捐赠者正在撤回

捐赠,

因此我与基金会的受托人产生了

发行社会债券的想法

我们将

在资本市场上以 10 亿

美元的价格发行 50 年到期

的债券 两年我们通常支付 550

美元 550 美元左右,所以我们支付超过 10 亿美元,

为期 2 年,这将主要

是对那些

致力于

解决生殖权利

和正义人权等种族正义不平等问题的关键任务关键机构的一般运营支持 艺术,所以

这就是我们今天的工作方式,

它远非完美,我们必须做得更好,

但我相信在福特,我们

正在努力

理解传统基金会所拥有的平衡

,我认为这太平衡了,太

不平衡了 而

不是创新,我想专注于

创新,如果我们创新得好,

那么保存部分就会得到照顾

,让我看看我是否理解

这里的金融工具,因为当

我读到你的债务时,你得到了非常优惠的条件

你必须有这些

债券,你必须以

大约 2% 的利率偿还,而且它

比大公司支付的利率要低得多

债券市场也是如此,但

有些人可能想知道为什么不

拥有这笔你

必须在未来 30 或 50 年内偿还的债务,为什么

不直接支付十亿美元我的

意思是人们你知道为什么

基金会应该永远维持它的捐赠

未来拥有更多的财富

不是那些可能

与我们一起创造或破坏未来的严重问题

为什么不直接支付这笔钱

,或者更彻底地支付,为什么

不制定一个 10 年的计划来花掉所有的

捐赠基金和 让自己破产 你

怎么

想首先像福特或洛克菲勒这样的大多数基金会

不能让

自己破产

打破建立我们的捐赠者章程,

我们确实有

责任,我

相信未来会有更多的资助

者谈论我们的

比赛方式等等 社会正义,但我们

离那里还很远,因为其中许多

想法实际上挑战了

在这个国家创造财富的制度,

所以我不相信在这一点

上拿钱和

投资专家会说什么会减少

我们的流动性

市场波动更大,我们将需要这种

流动性来支付赠款,

如果您

认为您确实有一些信托

责任继续

未来,那么这是一个明智的投资策略 社会债券理念

使我们能够同时做到 正如

你所说的优势,克里斯,这是一个历史性的高点

,就利率而言,这是一个历史性的低点,

对于福特基金会,这是

有史以来第一个基金会发行的此类债券,

我们被超额认购,我们卖出了 10 亿

美元的债券,我们拥有超过 50 亿

美元的债券 来自

各个承销商的客户的订单,因此存在被

压抑的需求,因此正如

你所说,我们以 2.8

% 的利率借了 50 年,这 这是

史无前例的,但它向您展示了我认为

投资者对

即使以低利率投资社会

债券的渴望,这种债券的

收益将用于

促进世界上的社会正义,

令人惊讶的是 那里有 40 亿美元

的单相需求,这

意味着零售业的人

有一个完整的十亿美元想法,以

帮助使美国在世界上变得更美好

,那里有资金支持,这

对我

从事慈善事业的其他朋友来说似乎是一个机会 克里斯

你知道有五点

八十亿美元的订单,

我们只卖了十亿,嘿,伙计们,

那里有很多资金,

我们都可以

以非常有吸引力的价格投入到慈善事业中,这正在

做 Ted 社区把你的创意

在那上面的某个地方让我们有

另一个社区问题我们如何

保持艺术剧院音乐厅和

使我们的城市充满活力的庞大文化网络

和社区 我们如何

在这场危机中保持优先事项 它

必须成为这场危机中的优先事项,

因为没有艺术,我们作为一个社会就会萎缩

,所以不仅在城市

,在小城镇也是

如此,我们有义务,所以我们

应对我们正在做的社会炸弹,我们在 10 亿美元中

投资了大约

1.75 亿美元

在艺术

上 我们

考虑下一轮,华盛顿

将提供另一轮支持

艺术的作用

将是至关重要的,我们应该

提倡确保

在联邦资金的任何大笔分配中得到承认,

也认为 我们将不得不创造性地思考

捐赠者可以创造性

地思考事实上我在英国有一个亿万富翁家庭,

他们想

通过艺术纽带建立一个艺术信托基金

,他们正在创造性地思考我们

都会去

现在必须以我们过去从未做过的方式创造性地思考,

以解决这个不平等问题

以及科瓦特

对我们的影响我已经谈到过我们在高等教育中得到了

生活在手边的

HBCU—— 到嘴巴和伟大的常春藤

大学的哈佛、耶鲁和斯坦福大学的

钱实际上比想象的要多

,当然要追求卓越需要很多钱,

但是

对于一群常春藤大学来说,

发行数十亿的社会纽带不是很有趣吗

美元,其收益可

用于加强 HBCU,

他们的总数超过 100 人,

如何应对这种不平等

,在艺术领域如何问自己,

而不仅仅是关于我

在董事会的林肯中心,所以我感觉很强烈

关于林肯中心

和肯尼迪中心在世界上的重要性,但

坦率地说林肯中心

会好起来的,它会很艰难,

但它会生存下来,有很多

艺术组织 pa 特别

是由有色人种领导的艺术组织

,这些组织

没有捐赠委员会,可以

组织紧急筹款活动

,没有 12 个月的运营

现金流,这些是我

担心的组织 悬崖边,

虽然我要为林肯中心

和卡内基音乐厅而战,在那里我是董事会成员

和国家美术馆,我还必须

认识到,那些

与更大的艺术界竞争的组织

非常有特权,我们必须

专注于

那些有和

那些没有好的人之间的差距我们

很快就会再问三个问题让我们

简短地说我保证好的

所以现在litora可以在

不征税的情况下取得真正的进步不可以'

如果没有,在减少不平等方面就不会取得进展

,我和克里斯,你引用了我

最近写的《纽约时报》的评论文章

,我们必须

重新考虑我们的税收政策,

而不认为这是强加的 可以想象

我们如何重建,谢谢你下一个

问题广告德莱尼我们如何

拥有世代财富

因此没有财务需求经验的人中建立同情心

和动力实际上我发现拥有

世代财富的人通常非常

慷慨 并且非常善解人意,

有时是因为他们

明白他们中了

彩票 可以给予更多 毫无疑问,我

发现在

新富有的人中更具挑战

性 由我自己决定以及我想如何以及给谁

是我的,我想

尽可能少地

给政府,因为我实际上

处于更好的位置

关于如何解决我们国家问题的决定

比政府 嗯,我认为这种意识形态

非常困难,因为它

是傲慢和无知的结合,

这是一种致命的有毒结合,

令人遗憾的是,我发现今天在

我们的社会中太常见了,只是偶尔你会

发现 那些人喜欢如果

你谈论的是那些发

了财的企业家,那种大胆的

创业思维偶尔

会导致大胆的慈善愿景,

所以我看到了一个混合体,我的上帝,我希望

人们能做得更多,但因为就是

这样 实际上,这种思维方式

并不是真正想大局,跳出

框框,这可能会在这里产生巨大的影响

,并真正将蕨类植物

带到一个新的水平,但我

在那些不相信机构的人中也发现了更糟糕的情况

一种

改变机制 正在

寻找新的闪亮银色物体 想要

一两年的大爆炸,那

太好了

II 我不会贬低 wha 我的意思是

我不希望这

成为一种整体的慈善

心态,因为追逐闪亮的新

银器不会改变

系统地解决种族和种族主义问题的方式,这是我们

将要成为的唯一方式 能够改变事情,

直到我全力以赴,我全力以赴,

我全力以赴

最后举一个

例子,我刚刚在 1963 年批准福特

基金会资助了 n-double-a-cp

法律辩护基金 LDF 到

密西西比阿拉巴马州和

乔治亚州,用于压制选民,让

黑人远离民意调查

我刚刚批准了一轮 向

法律辩护基金拨款,以起诉

密西西比州阿拉巴马州和乔治亚州

压制

选民 法律法规和

机构将追究民选

官员的责任,这是一个

机构,

只要

我们的政策和文化中存在种族主义,它就永远需要存在

,这就是我的

慈善事业,我知道 这听起来很

老式,我听起来不酷,

你知道我不是我的意思是因为我不

酷,我不是说我不会和冷酷的人一起出去

玩,因为

归根结底那些 很棒,我喜欢

进步,但你必须

在民主国家

建立机构 我们的系统以

您建议所需 Todd Burr 的方式,我

认为我很有希望 我很有希望,

因为我与更多的人交谈,更有

特权的人,尤其是更有

权力的人,他们分享了

两三年前可能

没有分享的诊断 诊断谁

两三年前仍然可以找到

理由说哦,这还不错

在美国,我们

相信机会吗?所有这些不平等的

东西都是令人沮丧的,今天同一位亿万富翁

在谈论

不平等、种族主义和

交叉点时非常自在,所以我开始看到我

有一位财富 500 强公司的首席执行官,

他把我的意见寄给了我 上周的编辑文章

指出股票回购的宝贵影响在弗里德曼意识形态

下已成为主要优先事项的股票回购

我对此提出质疑,

并说我们需要重新考虑作为

优先事项,这对公众来说是一个很好的意思

公司董事说起来

很激进,但这是

真的

由于

这些政策和美分股票

回购的方式以及你有一位

财富 50 强的 CEO 将其发送给他的董事会

和他的薪酬委员会进行对话的事实,

我认为削减的薪酬如此扭曲,我认为这只是一个很小的指标,表明什么

可以 如果我们真的

动员人们并且

我们不让这种情况平息我们会坚持下去,

那么这可能

是结束这件事的好地方我的意思是

听起来像达尔文,你真的相信

现在有可能

来自不同领域的人们可以

在这一刻聚集在一起,认识到他们的

特权,认识到

其中一些问题的困难程度,并

以热情

和细微差别共同努力,试图

解决这些问题,从而解决一些问题 这些问题

你是不是我的意思是你在一个典型的日子里

感觉如何你是否对我们在你身上的位置感到沮丧

你真的

看到足够的迹象

表明我们可以从中脱颖而出并获得

一些 ngs 实际上在任何一天都很好地修复了克里斯,

如果您在社交媒体上

或打开电视,

在某些时候不可能不

沮丧

沮丧沮丧,但

我实际上比以往任何时候都充满希望,

因为我看到 在美国第一次对

我们无法集体

承认为有问题的错误的历史进行清算,

正如詹姆斯鲍德温

60 年前提醒我们的那样,历史与我们同在

,我真的相信我最喜欢的诗人

兰斯顿休斯几乎是 一个世纪前

写道,让美国成为美国,在其中

他说美国对我来说从来都不是美国,

但他在最后的十四行诗中继续说,

但是是的哦,有一天美国将

成为兰斯顿休斯

在 1938 年作为一名黑人男子时表现出挑衅和愤怒。

写了那首诗,他知道他

是这个国家的二等公民,

建立在正义和平等的理想之上,

但他希望有一天

美国会成为美国,我

相信我们再也不能等待 t 因为那

一天,这一代人不

应该在未来的某一天说

美国将成为美国

今天是美国成为埃里卡的时候了,非常感谢你

的这些话,感谢你的

领导,感谢你成为其中

的一员 今天和我们的这次谈话

谢谢你谢谢克里斯的邀请