The rise of modern populism Takis S. Pappas

In the mid-1970s, after decades
of political turmoil,

Greece finally seemed
to be on the path to stability.

With the introduction
of a new constitution

and negotiations underway
to enter European institutions,

many analysts expected Greek politics

to follow the pattern
of the larger Western world.

Then in 1981, a political party
called PASOK came to power.

Its charismatic leader Andreas Papandreou
railed against the new constitution,

and accused those in power
of “national betrayal.”

Opposing Greece’s membership in NATO
and the European Economic Community,

Papandreou promised to govern
for the betterment of the “common people"

above all else.

He famously declared, “there are
no institutions, only the people exist.”

Papandreou’s rise to power
isn’t a unique story.

In many democratic countries
around the world,

charismatic leaders vilify
political opponents,

disparage institutions,
and claim the mantle of the people.

Some critics label this approach
as authoritarian or fascist,

and many argue that these leaders
are using emotions

to manipulate and deceive voters.

But whether or not this style of politics
is ethical, it’s certainly democratic,

and it goes by the name of populism.

The term populism has been around
since Ancient Rome,

and has its roots in the Latin word
“populus” meaning “the people."

But since then populism has been used
to describe dozens of political movements,

often with counterintuitive and sometimes
contradictory goals.

Populist movements have rebelled
against monarchies, monopolies,

and a wide variety
of powerful institutions.

It’s not possible to cover
the full history of this term here.

Instead, we’re focusing
on one specific type of populism—

the kind that describes
Papandreou’s administration

and numerous other governments
over the last 70 years: modern populism.

But to understand how political theorists
define this phenomenon

we first need to explore
what it’s responding to.

In the aftermath of World War Two,

many countries wanted to move away
from totalitarian ideologies.

They sought a new political system

that prioritized individual
and social rights,

aimed at political consensus,
and respected the rule of law.

As a result, most Western nations adopted
a longstanding form of government

called liberal democracy.

In this context, “liberal”
doesn’t refer to any political party,

but rather a type of democracy
that has three essential components.

First, liberal democracies accept
that society

is full of many, often crosscutting
divisions that generate conflict.

Second, it requires that society’s
many factions

seek common ground
across those divisions.

Finally, liberal democracies rely
on the rule of law

and the protection of minority rights,

as specified in constitutions
and legal statutes.

Taken together, these ideals propose

that tolerance and institutions
that protect us from intolerance,

are the bedrock of a functional
and diverse democratic society.

Liberal democracies helped bring stability
to the nations that adopted them.

But like any system of government,
they didn’t solve everything.

Among other issues,
an ever-increasing wealth gap

led to underserved communities

who distrusted both their wealthy
neighbors and their political leaders.

In some cases, political corruption
further damaged the public’s trust.

Growing suspicion and resentment
around these politicians

primed citizens to look
for a new kind of leader

who would challenge
established institutions

and put the needs of the people first.

In many ways, this reaction
highlights democracy in action:

if the majority of a population feels
their interests are underrepresented,

they can elect leaders to change
that using existing democratic systems.

But this is where assertive, modern
populist candidates can subvert democracy.

Modern populists identify themselves
as embodying the “will of the people,”

and they place those interests

above the institutions
that protect individual and social rights.

Modern populists argue
these institutions

are run by a self-serving ruling minority,

who seek to control the vast majority
of virtuous common people.

As a result, politics is no longer about
seeking compromise and consensus

through tolerant democratic institutions.

Instead, these leaders seek to overturn
what they see as a broken system.

This means that where a liberal democracy
has the utmost respect for institutions

like courtrooms, free press,
and national constitutions,

modern populists disparage
any establishment that disagrees

with the so-called “common will."

Modern populist parties
have arisen in many places,

but the leaders of these movements
are remarkably similar.

They’re often charismatic individuals

who identify themselves as embodying
the “will of the people."

They make exorbitant promises
to their supporters,

while casting their opponents as traitors
actively undermining the country.

But whether these politicians are sincere
believers or manipulative opportunists,

the dynamics they unleash

can be profoundly destabilizing
for liberal democracy.

Even when modern populist leaders
don’t follow through

with their most extreme promises,

their impact on political discourse,
the rule of law, and public trust

can long outlast their time in office.

1970 年代中期,经过数十年
的政治动荡,

希腊似乎终于
走上了稳定之路。

随着新宪法的出台


进入欧洲机构的谈判正在进行,

许多分析家预计希腊政治

将遵循
更大的西方世界的模式。

然后在1981年,一个
名为PASOK的政党上台。

其魅力四射的领导人安德烈亚斯·帕潘德里欧(Andreas Papandreou)
抨击新宪法,

并指责
当权者“背叛国家”。

反对希腊加入北约
和欧洲经济共同体,

帕潘德里欧承诺
为“普通民众”的利益

而执政。

他有句名言:“
没有机构,只有人民存在。”

帕潘德里欧的
上台并不是一个独特的故事。

在世界上许多民主国家

有魅力的领导人诋毁
政治对手,

贬低机构,
并声称自己是人民的衣钵。

一些批评者将这种做法
称为威权主义或法西斯主义

,许多人认为 这些领导人
是在用情绪

来操纵和欺骗选民。

但无论这种政治风格
是否合乎道德,它肯定是民主的

,它以民粹主义的名义出现。民粹主义

这个词
从古罗马

就已经存在,它的根源在于 拉丁语
“populus”的意思是“人民”。

但从那时起,民粹主义就被
用来描述数十种政治运动,

往往带有违反直觉,有时甚至
相互矛盾的目标。

民粹主义运动已经
反抗君主制、垄断


各种强大的机构。

在这里不可能涵盖
这个术语的全部历史。

相反,我们关注
的是一种特定类型的民粹主义——在过去 70 年

中描述了
帕潘德里欧政府

和许多其他政府的那种
:现代民粹主义。

但要了解政治理论家如何
定义这种现象,

我们首先需要
探索它的反应。

第二次世界大战后,

许多国家希望
摆脱极权主义意识形态。

他们寻求一种新的政治制度

,优先考虑个人
和社会权利,

旨在达成政治共识,
并尊重法治。

结果,大多数西方国家采用
了一种长期存在的政府形式,

称为自由民主。

在这种情况下,“自由主义”
不是指任何政党,

而是
一种具有三个基本组成部分的民主。

首先,自由民主国家承认

社会充满了许多,往往是交叉的
分歧,这些分歧会产生冲突。

其次,它要求社会的
许多派别

在这些分歧中寻求共同点。

最后,自由民主国家依赖
于法治

和对少数群体权利的保护,

正如宪法
和法律法规所规定的那样。

总而言之,这些理想

表明,容忍和
保护我们免受不容忍的制度

是功能性
和多元化民主社会的基石。

自由民主政体有助于
为采用它们的国家带来稳定。

但就像任何政府系统一样,
它们并没有解决所有问题。

除其他问题外
,不断扩大的贫富差距

导致服务不足的社区

不信任富裕的
邻居和政治领导人。

在某些情况下,政治腐败
进一步损害了公众的信任。 围绕这些政客

日益增长的猜疑和怨恨

促使公民
寻找一种新的领导人

,他将挑战
既定机构

并将人民的需求放在首位。

在许多方面,这种反应
突出了民主在行动中:

如果大多数人认为
他们的利益没有得到充分代表,

他们可以选举领导人来
使用现有的民主制度来改变这种状况。

但这就是自信的现代
民粹主义候选人可以颠覆民主的地方。

现代民粹主义者认为
自己体现了“人民的意志”

,他们将这些利益

置于
保护个人和社会权利的机构之上。

现代民粹主义者认为,
这些机构

是由自私自利的少数统治者管理的,

他们试图控制绝大多数
有道德的普通民众。

因此,政治不再是

通过宽容的民主制度寻求妥协和共识。

相反,这些领导者试图推翻
他们所认为的破碎系统。

这意味着,在自由民主

法庭、新闻自由
和国家宪法等机构极为尊重的地方,

现代民粹主义者贬低
任何不

符合所谓“共同意志”的

机构。现代民粹主义政党
在许多地方都出现了,

但 这些运动的领导
者非常相似。

他们通常是具有超凡魅力的人

,他们认为自己体现
了“人民的意志”。

他们
向他们的支持者做出过高的承诺,

同时将他们的对手视为叛徒,
积极破坏国家。

但无论这些政客是真诚的
信徒还是善于操纵的机会主义者,

他们释放的动力

都可能严重
破坏自由民主的稳定。

即使现代民粹主义领导人
没有

兑现他们最极端的承诺,

他们对政治话语
、法治和公众信任的影响

也可能比他们的执政时间更长。