The political power of being a good neighbor Michael Tubbs

So I know for sure there’s at least
one thing I have in common with dentists.

I absolutely hate
the holiday of Halloween.

Now, this hatred stems
not from a dislike of cavities,

nor was it a lifetime in the making.

Rather, this hatred stems
from a particular incident

that happened nine years ago.

Nine years ago, I was even younger,
I was 20 years old,

and I was an intern in the White House.

The other White House.

And my job was to work
with mayors and councilors nationwide.

November 1, 2010
began just like any other day.

I turned on the computer, went on Google
and prepared to write my news clips.

I was met with a call from my mother,
which isn’t that out the norm,

my mom likes to text, call,
email, Facebook, Instagram, all that.

So I answered the phone expecting
to hear maybe some church gossip,

or maybe something from WorldStarHipHop
she had discovered.

But when I answered the phone,

I was met with a tone that was unlike
anything I had ever heard from my mother.

My mother’s loud.

But she spoke in a hush,
still, muffled tone

that conveyed a sense of sadness.

And as she whispered, she said, “Michael,

your cousin Donnell
was murdered last night,

on Halloween,

at a house party in Stockton.”

And like far too many people
in this country,

particularly from communities like mine,

particularly that look like me,

I spent the better part of the year
dealing with anger, rage, nihilism,

and I had a choice to make.

The choice was one
between action and apathy.

The choice was what could I do
to put purpose to this pain.

I spent a year dealing
with feelings of survivor’s guilt.

What was the point of me
being at Stanford,

what was the point
of me being at the White House

if I was powerless to help my own family?

And my own family was dying,
quite literally.

I then began to feel
a little selfish and say,

what’s the point of even trying
to make the world a better place?

Maybe that’s just the way it is.

Maybe I would be smart to take advantage
of all the opportunities given to me

and make as much money as possible,

so I’m comfortable,
and my immediate family is comfortable.

But finally, towards the end of that year,

I realized I wanted to do something.

So I made the crazy decision,
as a senior in college,

to run for city council.

That decision was unlikely
for a couple of reasons,

and not just my age.

You see, my family
is far from a political dynasty.

More men in my family
have been incarcerated than in college.

In fact, as I speak today,
my father is still incarcerated.

My mother, she had me as a teenager,

and government wasn’t something
we had warm feelings from.

You see, it was the government

that red-lined the
neighborhoods I grew up in.

Full of liquor stores
and no grocery stores,

there was a lack of opportunity
and concentrated poverty.

It was the government and the politicians

that made choices,

like the war on drugs and three strikes,

that have incarcerated
far too many people in our country.

It was the government and political actors

that made the decisions
that created the school funding formulas,

that made it so the school I went to
receive less per pupil spending

than schools in more affluent areas.

So there was nothing about that background
that made it likely for me to choose

to be involved in being
a government actor.

And at the same time,
Stockton was a very unlikely place.

Stockton is my home town,
a city of 320,000 people.

But historically, it’s been a place
people run from, rather than come back to.

It’s a city that’s incredibly diverse.

Thirty-five percent Latino,
35 percent white,

20 percent Asian,
10 percent African American,

the oldest Sikh temple in North America.

But at the time I ran for office,

we were also the largest city
in the country at that time

to declare bankruptcy.

At the time I decided to run for office,

we also had more murders
per capita than Chicago.

At the time I decided to run for office,

we had a 23 percent poverty rate,

a 17 percent college attainment rate

and a host of challenges and issues
beyond the scope of any 21-year-old.

So after I won my election,

I did what I usually do
when I feel overwhelmed,

I realized the problems of Stockton
were far bigger than me

and that I might need
a little divine intervention.

So as I prepared
for my first council meeting,

I went back to some wisdom
my grandmother taught me.

A parable I think we all know,

that really constitutes
the governing frame we’re using

to reinvent Stockton today.

I remember in Sunday school,
my grandmother told me

that at one time, a guy asked Jesus,
“Who was my neighbor?

Who was my fellow citizen?

Who am I responsible for?”

And instead of a short answer,
Jesus replied with a parable.

He said there was a man on a journey,

walking down Jericho Road.

As he was walking down the road,

he was beat up,
left on the side of the road,

stripped of all his clothes,

had everything stolen from
and left to die.

And then a priest came by,
saw the man on the side of the road,

maybe said a silent prayer,

hopes and prayers,
prayers that he gets better.

Maybe saw the man on the side of the road

and surmised that it was ordained by God

for this particular man,
this particular group

to be on the side of the road,
there’s nothing I can do to change it.

After the priest walked by,
maybe a politician walked by.

A 28-year-old politician, for example.

Saw the man on the side of the road
and saw how beat up the man was,

saw that the man was a victim
of violence, or fleeing violence.

And the politician decided,
“You know what?

Instead of welcoming this man in,
let’s build a wall.

Maybe the politician said,

“Maybe this man chose
to be on the side of the road.”

That if he just pulled himself up
by his bootstraps,

despite his boots being stolen,

and got himself back on the horse,

he could be successful,
and there’s nothing I could do.”

And then finally, my grandmother said,
a good Samaritan came by,

saw the man on the side of the road

and looked and saw not centuries of hatred

between Jews and Samaritans,

looked and saw not his fears reflected,

not economic anxiety,

not “what’s going to happen to me
because things are changing.”

But looked and saw
a reflection of himself.

He saw his neighbor,
he saw his common humanity.

He didn’t just see it,
he did something about it,

my grandmother said.

He got down on one knee,

he made sure the man was OK,

and I heard, even gave him a room
at that nice Fairmont,

the Pan Pacific one.

(Laughter)

And as I prepared to govern,

I realized that given
the diversity of Stockton,

the first step to making change
will be to again answer the same question:

Who is our neighbor?

And realizing that our destiny as a city
was tied up in everyone.

Particularly those who are left
on the side of the road.

But then I realized
that charity isn’t justice,

that acts of empathy isn’t justice,

that being a good neighbor
is necessary but not sufficient,

and there was more that had to be done.

So looking at the story,

I realized that the road,
Jericho Road, has a nickname.

It’s known as the Bloody Pass,
the Ascent of Red,

because the road
is structured for violence.

This Jericho Road is narrow,
it’s conducive for ambushing.

Meaning, a man on the side
of the road wasn’t abnormal.

Wasn’t strange.

And in fact, it was something
that was structured to happen,

it was supposed to happen.

And Johan Galtung, a peace theorist,

talks about structural
violence in our society.

He says, “Structural violence
is the avoidable impairment

of basic human needs.”

Dr. Paul Farmer talks
about structural violence

and talks about how it’s the way

our institutions,
our policies, our culture

creates outcomes that advantage
some people and disadvantage others.

And then I realized,
much like the road in Jericho,

in many ways, Stockton, our society,

has been structured
for the outcomes we complain about.

That we should not be surprised

when we see that kids in poverty
don’t do well in school,

that we should not be surprised
to see wealth gaps by race and ethnicity.

We should not be surprised to see
income pay disparities between genders,

because that’s what our society,
historically, has been structured to do,

and it’s working accordingly.

(Applause)

So taking this wisdom,

I rolled up my sleeves and began to work.

And there’s three quick stories
I want to share,

that point to not that we
figured everything out,

not that we have arrived,

but we’re trending in the right direction.

The first story, about the neighbor.

When I was a city council member,

I was working with one of the most
conservative members in our community

on opening a health clinic
for undocumented people

in the south part of the city,
and I loved it.

And as we opened the clinic,

we had a resolution to sign,

he presented me a gift.

It was an O’Reilly Factor
lifetime membership pin.

(Laughter)

Mind you, I didn’t ask
what he did to get such a gift.

What blood oath –
I had no idea how he got it.

But I looked at him and I said,

“Well, how are we working together
to open a health clinic,

to provide free health care
for undocumented people,

and you’re an O’Reilly Factor member?”

He looked at me and said,

“Councilman Tubbs,
this is for my neighbors.”

And he’s a great example of what it means

to be a good neighbor,
at least in that instance.

The robbers.

So after four years on city council,
I decided to run for mayor,

realizing that being a part-time
councilman wasn’t enough

to enact the structural
changes we need to see in Stockton,

and I came to that conclusion
by looking at the data.

So my old council district,
where I grew up,

is 10 minutes away
from a more affluent district.

And 10 minutes away in the same city,

the difference between
zip code 95205 and 95219

in life expectancy is 10 years.

Ten minutes away, 4.5 miles,

10 years life expectancy difference,

and not because of the choices
people are making.

Because no one chose
to live in an unsafe community

where they can’t exercise.

No one chose to put more liquor stores
than grocery stores in the community.

No one chose these things,
but that’s the reality.

I realized, as a councilman,

to enact a structural change
I wanted to see,

where between the same zip codes

there’s a 30 percent difference
in the rate of unemployment,

there’s a 75,000 dollars a year
difference in income,

that being a councilman
was not going to cut it.

So that’s when I decided to run for mayor.

And as mayor, we’ve been focused
on the robbers and the road.

So in Stockton, as I mentioned,

we have historically had problems
with violent crime.

In fact, that’s why I decided
to run for office in the first place.

And my first job as mayor
was helping our community

to see ourselves, our neighbors,

not just in the people
victimized by violence

but also in the perpetrators.

We realized that those
who enact pain in our society,

those who are committing homicides
and contributing to gun violence,

are oftentimes victims themselves.

They have high rates of trauma,
they have been shot at,

they’ve known people who have been shot.

That doesn’t excuse their behavior,
but it helps explain it,

and as a community,
we have to see these folks as us, too.

That they too are our neighbors.

So for the past three years –

(Applause)

So for the past three years,
we’ve been working on two strategies:

Ceasefire and Advance Peace,

where we give these guys
as much attention, as much love

from social services,
from opportunities, from tattoo removals,

in some cases even cash,

as a gift from law enforcement.

And last year, we saw
a 40 percent reduction in homicides

and a 30 percent reduction
in violent crime.

(Applause)

And now, the road.

I mentioned that my community
has a 23 percent poverty rate.

As someone who comes from poverty,
it’s a personal issue for me.

So I decided that we
wouldn’t just do a program,

or we wouldn’t just do something
to go around the edges,

but we would call into question
the very structure

that produces poverty in the first place.

So starting in February,
we launched a basic income demonstration,

where for the next 18 months,

as a pilot, 130 families,
randomly selected,

who live in zip codes at or below
the median income of the city,

are given 500 dollars a month.

And we’re doing this
for a couple of reasons.

We’re doing it because we realize

that something is structurally
wrong in America,

when one in two Americans
can’t afford one 400-dollar emergency.

We’re doing it because we realize
that something is structurally wrong

when wages have only increased
six percent between 1979 and 2013.

We’re doing it because we realize
something is structurally wrong

when people working two and three jobs,

doing all the jobs
no one in here wants to do,

can’t pay for necessities, like rent,

like lights, like health care,
like childcare.

(Applause)

So I would say, Stockton again,
we have real issues.

I have constituent emails in my phone now,
about the homelessness issue,

about some of the violent crime
we’re still experiencing.

But I would say, I think as a society,
we would be wise to go back

to those old Bible stories
we were taught growing up,

and understand that number one,

we have to begin to see
each other as neighbors,

that when we see someone
different from us,

they should not reflect our fears,
our anxieties, our insecurities,

the prejudices we’ve been taught,
our biases – but we should see ourselves.

We should see our common humanity.

Because I think once we do that,

we can do the more important work
of restructuring the road.

Because again, I understand
some listening are saying,

“Well, Mayor Tubbs, you’re talking about
structural violence and structural this,

but you’re on the stage.

That the structures can’t be too bad
if you could come up from poverty,

have a father in jail, go to Stanford,

work in the White House and become mayor.”

And I would respond by saying
the term for that is exceptionalism.

Meaning that we recognize it’s exceptional
for people to escape the structures.

Meaning by our very language,

we understand that the things we’re seeing
in our world are by design.

And I think that task for us, as TEDsters,

and as good people,
just people, moral people,

is really do the hard work necessary
of not just joining hands as neighbors,

but using our hands
to restructure our road,

a road that in this country has been
rooted in things like white supremacy.

A road like in this country
has been rooted in things like misogyny.

A road that’s not working
for far too many people.

And I think today, tomorrow and 2020
we have a chance to change that.

So as I prepare to close,

I started with a story from nine years ago
and I’ll end with one.

So after my cousin was murdered,

I was lucky enough
to go on the Freedom Rides

with some of the original freedom riders.

And they taught me a lot
about restructuring the road.

And one guy in particular,
Bob Singleton, asked me a question

I’m going to leave with us today.

We were going to Anniston,
Alabama, and he said, “Michael,”

and I said, “Yes, sir.”

He said, “I was arrested
on August 4, 1961.

Now why is that day important?”

And I said, “Well, you were arrested,

if you weren’t arrested,
we wouldn’t be on this bus.

if we weren’t on this bus,
we wouldn’t have the rights we enjoy.”

He rolled his eyes and said, “No, son.”

He said, “On that day,
Barack Obama was born.”

And then he said he had no idea
that the choice he made

to restructure the road

would pave the way,

so a child born as a second class citizen,

who wouldn’t be able to even get
a cup of water at a counter,

would have the chance,
50 years later, to be president.

Then he looked at me and he said,

“What are you prepared to do today

so that 50 years from now

a child born has a chance
to be president?”

And I think, TED, that’s
the question before us today.

We know things are jacked up.

I think what we’ve seen
recently isn’t abnormal

but a reflection of a system
that’s been structured

to produce such crazy outcomes.

But I think it’s also an opportunity.

Because these structures we inherit
aren’t acts of God

but acts of men and women,
they’re policy choices,

they’re by politicians like me,
approved by voters like you.

And we have the chance
and the awesome opportunity

to do something about it.

So my question is:
What are we prepared to do today,

so that a child born today,
50 years from now

isn’t born in a society
rooted in white supremacy;

isn’t born into a society
riddled with misogyny;

isn’t born into a society riddled
with homophobia and transphobia

and anti-Semitism
and Islamophobia and ableism,

and all the phobias and -isms?

What are we prepared to do today,

so that 50 years from now

we have a road in our society
that’s structured

to reflect what we hold
to be self-evident?

That all men, that all women,

that even all trans people

are created equal

and are endowed by your Creator
with certain unalienable rights,

including life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness.

Thank you.

(Applause)

所以我确信
我和牙医至少有一个共同点。

我绝对讨厌
万圣节的假期。

现在,这种仇恨
不是源于对蛀牙的厌恶,

也不是一生都在酝酿。

相反,这种仇恨源于

九年前发生的一个特定事件。

九年前,我更年轻,
20岁,

在白宫实习。

另一个白宫。

我的工作是
与全国的市长和议员一起工作。

2010 年 11 月 1 日
就像其他任何一天一样开始。

我打开电脑,上谷歌
,准备写我的新闻片段。

我接到了妈妈打来的电话,
这并不常见,

我妈妈喜欢发短信、打电话、
发电子邮件、Facebook、Instagram,等等。

所以我接了电话,
期待听到一些教堂的八卦,

或者她发现的 WorldStarHipHop 的一些东西

但是当我接电话时,

我听到的语气与
我从母亲那里听到的任何声音都不一样。

我妈声音很大

但她说话的
语气平静,沉闷

,传达出一种悲伤的感觉。

当她低声说,“迈克尔,

你的堂兄
唐内尔昨晚在万圣节那天晚上

在斯托克顿的一个家庭聚会上被谋杀了。”

和这个国家太多的人一样

特别是来自像我这样的社区,

尤其是那些看起来像我的人,

我在这一年的大部分时间里都在
处理愤怒、愤怒、虚无主义

,我不得不做出选择。

选择是
在行动和冷漠之间做出选择。

选择是我能做些什么
来解决这种痛苦。

我花了一年的时间来处理
幸存者的内疚感。 如果我无力帮助自己的家人


我在斯坦福有

什么意义
,我在白宫

又有什么意义?

我自己的家人正在死去,
毫不夸张地说。

然后我开始觉得
有点自私,然后说,

即使
试图让世界变得更美好又有什么意义呢?

也许这就是它的方式。

也许我会很聪明地利用
给我的所有机会

并尽可能多地赚钱,

所以我很舒服
,我的直系亲属也很舒服。

但最后,在那年年底,

我意识到我想做点什么。

所以我做了一个疯狂的决定,
作为一名大四学生

,竞选市议会议员。

这个决定不太可能
有几个原因

,不仅仅是我的年龄。

你看,我
家远不是一个政治王朝。


家里被监禁的男人比在大学里的还多。

事实上,正如我今天所说,
我父亲仍然被监禁。

我的母亲,她在我十几岁的时候就有了我,

而政府并不是
我们有温暖感情的东西。

你看,是政府


我长大的社区划上了红线。

到处都是
酒铺,没有杂货店

,缺乏机会
,贫困集中。

是政府和政客

们做出了选择,

比如禁毒战争和三次罢工,

在我们国家监禁了太多人。

是政府和政治行为

者做出了决定
,制定了学校资助公式,

这使得我去的学校
每名学生的支出

比更富裕地区的学校少。

因此,这种背景并没有
让我有可能

选择参与成为
一名政府演员。

同时,
斯托克顿是一个非常不可能的地方。

斯托克顿是我的家乡,
一座拥有 32 万人口的城市。

但从历史上看,这是一个
人们逃离而不是返回的地方。

这是一个非常多样化的城市。

35% 的拉丁裔、
35% 的白人、

20% 的亚裔、
10% 的非裔美国人,

北美最古老的锡克教寺庙。

但在我竞选公职的时候,

我们也是当时全国最大

的宣布破产的城市。

在我决定竞选公职时,

我们的人均谋杀案也
比芝加哥多。

在我决定竞选公职时,

我们的贫困率是 23%,

大学毕业率是 17%

,还有许多
21 岁的人无法应对的挑战和问题。

So after I won my election,

I did what I usually do
when I feel overwhelmed,

I realized the problems of Stockton
were far bigger than me

and that I might need
a little divine intervention.

所以当我
准备我的第一次理事会会议时,

我回到了
祖母教给我的一些智慧。

我想我们都知道一个寓言,

它真正构成
了我们

今天用来重塑斯托克顿的管理框架。

我记得在主日学校,
祖母告诉我

,有一次,一个人问耶稣:
“谁是我的邻居?

谁是我的同胞?

我对谁负责?”

耶稣没有简短的回答,而是
用比喻回答。

他说有一个人在旅途中,

沿着杰里科路走。

当他在路上行走时,

被人殴打,被丢
在路边,

衣服被扒光

,一切都被偷走
,任其自生自灭。

然后一个牧师走过来,
看到路边的那个人,

也许是在默默祈祷,

希望和祈祷,
祈祷他好起来。

可能看到路边的

那个人,就猜想

这个人,
这个

人在路边是神命定的,
我没办法改变。

牧师走过之后,
也许是一位政客走过。

例如,一位 28 岁的政治家。

看到路边的
那个人,看到那个人被打得有多惨,

看到那个人是暴力的受害者
,或者是逃离暴力的受害者。

政客决定,
“你知道吗?

与其欢迎这个人进来,
不如建一堵墙。

也许政客说,

“也许这个人
选择站在路边

。 他

的靴子,尽管他的靴子被偷了

,让自己重新骑上马,

他还是可以成功的,
而我无能为力。”

最后,我的祖母说,
一个好心的撒玛利亚人走过来,

看到路边的那个人,

没有看到犹太人和撒玛利亚人之间几个世纪以来的仇恨

,没有看到他的恐惧反映,

没有经济焦虑,

没有“ 我会发生什么,
因为事情正在发生变化。”

但看了看,看到
了自己的倒影。

他看到了他的邻居,
他看到了他共同的人性。 我的祖母

说,
他不仅看到了,还做了一些事情

他单膝跪地,

确保那个人没事

,我听说,甚至在泛太平洋
那家漂亮的费尔蒙酒店给了他

一个房间。

(笑声

) 当我准备执政时,

我意识到
鉴于斯托克顿的多样性,

做出改变的第一步
将是再次回答同样的问题:

谁是我们的邻居?

并意识到我们作为一个城市的命运
与每个人息息相关。

尤其是那些留
在路边的人。

但后来我
意识到慈善不是正义,

同情的行为不是正义

,做一个好邻居
是必要的,但还不够,

还有更多的事情要做。

于是看了故事

,才知道这条路,
耶利哥路,有一个别称。

它被称为血腥通道,
红色的上升,

因为这条路
是为暴力而设计的。

这条耶利哥路很窄,
有利于伏击。

意思是,路边的男人
并没有异常。

并不奇怪。

事实上,这是
注定要发生的事情,

它应该发生。

和平理论家 Johan Galtung

谈到
了我们社会中的结构性暴力。

他说,“结构性暴力
是对

人类基本需求的可避免损害。”

Paul Farmer 博士
谈到了结构性暴力,

并谈到了

我们的制度
、政策、文化如何

创造对
某些人有利而对其他人不利的结果。

然后我意识到,
就像杰里科的道路一样,

在许多方面,斯托克顿,我们的社会,

已经
为我们抱怨的结果而构建。

当我们看到贫困的孩子
在学校表现不佳时

,我们不应该感到惊讶
,看到种族和民族的贫富差距也不应该感到惊讶。

看到
性别之间的收入差距,我们不应该感到惊讶,

因为从历史上看,这就是我们社会的
结构

,它正在相应地运作。

(鼓掌)

于是带着这个智慧,

我卷起袖子开始工作。

我想分享三个简短的故事

这并不是说我们
已经解决了所有问题,

也不是说我们已经到了,

但我们正朝着正确的方向发展。

第一个故事,关于邻居。

当我还是市议会成员时,

我正在与
我们社区中最保守的成员之一合作

,在该市南部为无证人士开设一家健康诊所
,我很喜欢它。

当我们开设诊所时,

我们有一个要签署的决议,

他给了我一份礼物。

这是 O’Reilly Factor 的
终身会员别针。

(笑声) 请

注意,我没有
问他做了什么才能得到这样的礼物。

什么血誓——
我不知道他是怎么得到的。

但我看着他说,

“好吧,我们如何
合作开一家健康诊所,

为无证人士提供免费医疗保健

而你是 O’Reilly Factor 的成员?”

他看着我说:

“塔布斯议员,
这是给我的邻居的。”

他是一个很好的例子,说明

成为一个好邻居意味着什么,
至少在那种情况下。

劫匪。

所以在市议会任职四年后,
我决定竞选市长,

意识到作为一名兼职
议员并不足以

实施
我们需要在斯托克顿看到的结构性变化

,我
通过查看数据得出了这个结论 .

因此,我长大的旧议会区

距离更富裕的区只有 10 分钟的路程

而10分钟车程的同一个城市,

邮编95205和95219

的寿命相差10年。

十分钟路程,4.5英里,

10年的预期寿命差异,

而不是因为
人们正在做出的选择。

因为没有人
选择生活在一个

他们无法锻炼的不安全社区。

没有人选择在社区中开设比杂货店更多的酒类商店

没有人选择这些东西,
但这就是现实。

作为一名议员,我意识到,

要实施我想看到的结构性变化

在相同的邮政编码

之间,失业率有 30% 的
差异,

每年的收入有 75,000 美元的
差异

,而当
议员不是 要去剪它。

于是我决定竞选市长。

作为市长,我们一直专注
于劫匪和道路。

因此,正如我所提到的,在斯托克顿,

我们在历史上一直
存在暴力犯罪问题。

事实上,这就是我
最初决定竞选公职的原因。

作为市长,我的第一份工作
是帮助我们的

社区看到我们自己,我们的邻居,

不仅
是暴力受害者

,还有肇事者。

我们意识到,那些
在我们的社会中制造痛苦的人,

那些犯下杀人罪
并助长枪支暴力的人,

往往本身就是受害者。

他们有很高的创伤率,
他们被枪杀,

他们认识被枪杀的人。

这不能为他们的行为辩解,
但它有助于解释它

,作为一个社区,
我们也必须将这些人视为我们自己。

他们也是我们的邻居。

所以在过去的三年里——

(掌声)

所以在过去的三年里,
我们一直在制定两个策略:

停火和推进和平

,我们给予这些人
同样多的关注,

来自社会服务的爱,
来自机会 ,来自去除纹身,

在某些情况下甚至是现金,

作为执法部门的礼物。

去年,我们看到
凶杀案减少了 40%

,暴力犯罪减少了 30%。

(掌声

)现在,道路。

我提到我的社区
有 23% 的贫困率。

作为一个来自贫困的人,
这对我来说是个人问题。

所以我决定我们
不只是做一个项目,

或者我们不只是做
一些绕过边缘的事情,

而是我们首先要

质疑导致贫困的结构。

因此,从 2 月开始,
我们启动了一项基本收入示范,

在接下来的 18 个月中,

作为试点,
随机选择 130 个

居住在
城市收入中位数或以下邮政编码的家庭,

每月获得 500 美元 .

我们这样
做有几个原因。

我们这样做是因为我们意识到美国

存在结构上的
问题,

因为有二分之一的美国人
买不起 400 美元的紧急情况。

我们这样做是因为我们意识到

当工资
在 1979 年至 2013 年间仅增长 6% 时出现结构性问题。

我们这样做是因为我们意识到

当人们同时从事两份和三份工作时

出现结构性问题 一个在这里想做的

,买不起生活必需品,喜欢房租,

喜欢灯,喜欢保健,
喜欢托儿。

(掌声)

所以我想说,斯托克顿,
我们有真正的问题。

我的手机里现在有一些电子邮件,
关于无家可归问题,

关于
我们仍在经历的一些暴力犯罪。

但我想说,我认为作为一个社会,
我们应该明智地回到

我们从小被教导的那些古老的圣经故事,

并理解第一,

我们必须开始将
彼此视为邻居

,当我们看到
与我们不同的人,

他们不应该反映我们的恐惧,
我们的焦虑,我们的不安全感,

我们被教导的偏见,
我们的偏见——但我们应该看到自己。

我们应该看到我们共同的人性。

因为我认为一旦我们这样做了,

我们就可以做更重要
的道路重组工作。

因为再一次,我理解
有些听众在说,

“好吧,塔布斯市长,你在谈论
结构性暴力和结构性的这个,

但你在舞台上。

如果你能站出来,这些结构不会太糟糕 贫穷,

在监狱里有个父亲,去斯坦福,

在白宫工作,当市长。”

我会回答说
这个词是例外论。

这意味着我们认识到
人们逃离这些结构是非常特殊的。

用我们的语言来说,

我们明白
我们在世界上看到的东西是设计的。

我认为,作为 TEDsters

和好人、
正义的人、有道德的人,

我们的任务真的是做必要的艰苦工作
,不仅要像邻居一样携手并进,

还要用我们的双手
来改造我们的道路,

这条道路 这个国家
植根于白人至上。

像这个国家这样的道路
根植于厌女症之类的东西。

一条不
适合太多人的道路。

我认为今天、明天和 2020 年
我们有机会改变这一点。

所以当我准备结束时,

我从九年前的一个故事开始
,我将以一个故事结束。

所以在我的表弟被谋杀后,

我很幸运
地和一些最初的自由骑士一起参加了自由之旅

他们教会了我很多
关于重建道路的知识。

特别是一个人,
鲍勃辛格尔顿,问了我一个问题,

我今天要和我们一起讨论。

我们要去
阿拉巴马州的安妮斯顿,他说,“迈克尔”

,我说,“是的,先生。”

他说:“我是
在 1961 年 8 月 4 日被捕的。那

为什么那一天很重要?”

我说,“好吧,你被捕了,

如果你不被捕,
我们就不会在这辆公共汽车上。

如果我们不在这辆公共汽车上,
我们就不会拥有我们所享有的权利。”

他翻了个白眼,说道:“不,儿子。”

他说,“那一天,
巴拉克·奥巴马出生了。”

然后他说他不
知道他做出

的改建道路的选择

会铺平道路,

所以一个二等公民出生的孩子,

在柜台买杯水都买不到,

50年后有机会当总统。

然后他看着我说:

“你今天准备做什么,

让50年后

出生的孩子有
机会成为总统?”

我认为,TED,这就是
今天摆在我们面前的问题。

我们知道事情被抬高了。

我认为我们最近看到的
情况并非异常,

而是反映了
一个被构造

为产生如此疯狂结果的系统。

但我认为这也是一个机会。

因为我们继承的这些结构
不是上帝的

作为,而是男人和女人的作为,
它们是政策选择

,是由像我这样的政治家,
得到像你这样的选民批准的。

我们有机会
和绝好的机会

对此做点什么。

所以我的问题是:
我们今天准备做什么

,这样 50 年后今天出生的孩子

就不会出生在一个
根植于白人至上的社会;

不是出生在一个
充满厌女症的社会;

不是出生在一个充斥
着同性恋恐惧

症、跨性别

恐惧症、反犹太主义、伊斯兰恐惧症和能力主义,以及所有的恐惧症和主义的社会吗?

我们今天准备做什么,

以便从现在起 50 年

后我们的社会中有一条道路
,其结构

可以反映我们
认为不言而喻的东西?

所有的男人,所有的女人

,甚至所有的跨性别者

都是平等的

,并且被你的造物主赋予
了某些不可剥夺的权利,

包括生命、自由
和追求幸福的权利。

谢谢你。

(掌声)