How to foster productive and responsible debate Ishan Bhabha

Transcriber: Joseph Geni
Reviewer: Camille Martínez

What if you own a hotel,

and one of the key principles
in your mission statement

is a commitment to treat
all employees and customers equally,

including on the basis
of gender and religion?

And then a large group
books an event at your space,

and when you look at the booking,
you realize it’s a religious group,

and one of their key principles
is that women should never leave the home

and should have no opportunities for
professional development outside of it.

What do you do?

Do you host the event
and get criticized by some,

or refuse and get criticized by others?

In my work, I counsel organizations
on how to create rules

to navigate ideological disagreement
and controversial speech,

and I defend my clients,

whether in court or from the government,

when their actions are challenged.

The structures I recommend

recognize the real harms that can come
from certain types of speech,

but at the same time, seek to promote
dialogue rather than shut it down.

The reason is that we need disagreement.

Creativity and human progress

depend on it.

While it may be often easier

to speak with someone who agrees
with everything you say,

it’s more enlightening
and oftentimes more satisfying

to speak with someone who doesn’t.

But disagreement and discord
can have real and meaningful costs.

Disagreement, particularly
in the form of hateful speech,

can lead to deep and lasting wounds
and sometimes result in violence.

And in a world in which polarization
and innovation are increasing

at seemingly exponential rates,

the need to create structures for vigorous
but not violent disagreement

have never been more important.

The US Constitution’s First Amendment
might seem like a good place to start

to go to look for answers.

You, like I, may have often
heard somebody say

that some form of a speech restriction,
whether from an employer, a website,

or even somebody else,

“violates” the First Amendment.

But in fact, the First Amendment usually
has little if any relevance at all.

The First Amendment only applies

when the government is seeking
to suppress the speech of its citizens.

As a result, the First Amendment
is by design a blunt instrument.

A narrow category of speech
can be banned based on its content.

Almost everything else cannot.

But the First Amendment has no relevance

when what we’re talking about
is a private entity regulating speech.

And that’s a good thing,

because it means private entities
have at their disposal

a broad and flexible set of tools
that don’t prohibit speech,

but do make speakers aware
of the consequences of their words.

Here are some examples.

When you go to university,

it’s a time for the free
and unrestricted exchange of ideas.

But some ideas and the words
used to express them

can cause discord,

whether it’s an intentionally inflammatory
event hosted by a student group

or the exploration
of a controversial issue in class.

In order to protect
both intellectual freedom

and their most vulnerable students,

some universities have formed teams
that bring speaker and listener together,

free from the possibility of any sanction,

to hear each other’s viewpoints.

Sometimes students don’t want to meet,

and that’s fine.

But in other circumstances,

mediated exposure to an opposing view
can result in acknowledgment,

recognition of unintended consequences

and a broadening of perspectives.

Here’s an example.

On a college campus, a group of students
supporting the Israelis

and those supporting the Palestinians

were constantly reporting each other

for disrupting events,
tearing down posters

and engaging in verbal confrontations.

Recognizing that most of
what the students were reporting

did not violate the university’s
disciplinary code,

the university invited
both groups to sit down

in a so-called “restorative circle,”

where they could hear
each other’s viewpoints,

free from the possibility of sanction.

After the meeting,

the ideological disagreements
between the groups

remained as stark as ever,

but the rancor between them
significantly dissipated.

Now, obviously, this doesn’t
always happen.

But by separating reactions to speech
from the disciplinary system,

institutions of higher education
have created a space

for productive disagreement
and a broadening of perspectives.

We’re all biased.

I don’t mean that in a bad way.

All of us are influenced, and rightly so,

by our family background,
our education, our lived experience

and a million other things.

Organizations, too, have influences,

most importantly, the beliefs
of their members,

but also the laws
under which they’re governed

or the marketplace in which they compete.

These influences can form a critical part
of a corporate identity,

and they can be vital
for attracting and retaining talent.

But these “biases,” as I’m calling them,

can also be a challenge,

particularly when what we’re talking about

is drawing lines for allowing some speech
and not allowing others.

The temptation to find speech
harmful or disruptive

simply because we disagree with it

is real.

But equally real is the harm that can come
from certain types of expression.

In this situation, third parties can help.

Remember the hotel,

trying to decide whether or not to allow
the religious group to host its event?

Rather than having to make
a complex, on-the-spot decision

about that group’s identity and message,

the hotel could instead
rely on a third party,

say, for example,

the Southern Poverty Law Center,

which has a list of hate groups
in the United States,

or indeed even its own
outside group of experts

brought together from diverse backgrounds.

By relying on third parties

to draw lines outside the context
of a particular event,

organizations can make content decisions

without being accused of acting
in self-interest or bias.

The line between facts
and opinions is a hazy one.

The internet provides the opportunity
to publish almost any position

on any topic under the sun.

And in some ways, that’s a good thing.

It allows for the expression
of minority viewpoints

and for holding
those in power accountable.

But the ability to self-publish freely

means that unverified
or even flat-out false statements

can quickly gain circulation and currency,

and that is very dangerous.

The decision to take down a post
or ban a user is a tough one.

It certainly can be appropriate at times,

but there are other tools
available as well

to foster productive
and yet responsible debate.

Twitter has recently
started labeling tweets

as misleading, deceptive
or containing unverified information.

Rather than block access to those tweets,

Twitter instead links to a source
that contains more information

about the claims made.

A good and timely example
is its coronavirus page,

which has up-to-the-minute information
about the spread of the virus

and what to do if you contract it.

To me, this approach makes a ton of sense.

Rather than shutting down dialogue,

this brings more ideas,
facts and context to the forum.

And, if you know that your assertions
are going to be held up

against more authoritative sources,

it may create incentives

for more responsible speech
in the first place.

Let me end with a hard truth:

the structures I’ve described
can foster productive debate

while isolating truly harmful speech.

But inevitably, some speech
is going to fall in a grey area,

perhaps deeply offensive

but also with the potential
to contribute to public debate.

In this situation,

I think as a general matter,

the tie should go to allowing
more rather than less speech.

Here’s why.

For one, there’s always the risk

that an innovative
or creative idea gets squelched

because it seems unfamiliar or dangerous.

Almost by definition,

innovative ideas challenge orthodoxies
about how things should be.

So if an idea seems
offensive or dangerous,

it could be because it is,

or it might simply be
because we’re scared of change.

But let me suggest that even if
speech has little to no value at all,

that deficiency should be shown
through open debate

rather than suppression.

To be very clear:

false speech can lead
to devastating real-world harms,

from the burning of women
accused of being witches in Europe

in the 15th century

to the lynching of African Americans
in the American South,

to the Rwandan Genocide.

The idea that the remedy
for false speech is more speech

isn’t always true.

But I do think more often than not,
more speech can help.

A famous story from First Amendment
case law shows why.

In 1977, a group of neo-Nazis
wanted to stage a march

through the leafy, peaceful suburb
of Skokie, Illinois,

home to a significant number
of Holocaust survivors.

The City Council immediately passed
ordinances trying to block the Nazis,

and the Nazis sued.

The case made it all the way
up to the US Supreme Court

and back down again.

The courts held that the neo-Nazis
had the right to march,

and that they could
display their swastikas

and give their salutes while doing so.

But when the day for the march came,

and after all that litigation,

just 20 neo-Nazis showed up

in front of the Federal Building
in Chicago, Illinois,

and they were met
by 2,000 counter-protesters

responding to the Nazis' messages of hate

with ones of inclusion.

As the Chicago Tribune noted,

the Nazi march sputtered
to an unspectacular end after 10 minutes.

The violence in Charlottesville, Virginia,
and indeed around the world,

shows this isn’t always
how these stories end.

But to me, the Skokie story is a good one,

one that shows that the fallacy
and moral bankruptcy of hateful speech

can best be responded to
not through suppression

but through the righteous power
of countervailing good and noble ideas.

Thank you.

抄写员:Joseph Geni
审稿人:Camille Martínez

如果您拥有一家酒店,

并且您的使命宣言中的关键原则之一

是承诺
平等对待所有员工和客户,

包括
基于性别和宗教信仰,该怎么办?

然后一大群人
在你的空间预订了一个活动

,当你看到预订时,
你意识到这是一个宗教团体,

他们的一个关键原则
是女性永远不应该离开家

,不应该有机会在
外面进行专业发展 其中。

你做什么工作?

您是否主持活动
并受到某些人的批评,

或者拒绝并受到其他人的批评?

在我的工作中,我
就如何制定规则

来应对意识形态分歧
和有争议的言论为组织提供咨询,

并且当他们的行为受到质疑时,我会

在法庭上或来自政府的客户中为他们辩护

我推荐的结构

认识到某些类型的言论可能带来的真正危害,

但同时,寻求促进
对话而不是关闭对话。

原因是我们需要分歧。

创造力和人类进步

取决于它。

虽然

与同意你所说的一切的人交谈通常更容易,但与不同意的人交谈

更有启发性,
而且通常更

令人满意。

但分歧和不和
可能会付出实际而有意义的代价。

分歧,特别
是仇恨言论的形式,

会导致深刻而持久的创伤
,有时还会导致暴力。

在一个两极分化
和创新

以看似指数级的速度增长的世界中,

为激烈但非暴力的分歧创建结构的需求

从未像现在这样重要。

美国宪法第一修正案
似乎是开始寻找答案的好地方

你和我一样,可能经常
听到有人

说某种形式的言论限制,
无论是来自雇主、网站

还是其他人,都

“违反”了第一修正案。

但事实上,第一修正案
通常几乎没有相关性。

第一修正案仅适用

于政府
试图压制其公民言论的情况。

因此,第一
修正案在设计上是一种钝器。

可以根据其内容禁止狭窄类别的言论。

几乎所有其他东西都做不到。

但是

当我们谈论的
是一个私人实体监管言论时,第一修正案就没有相关性了。

这是一件好事,

因为这意味着私人实体
可以使用

一套广泛而灵活的工具
,这些工具不禁止言论,

但确实让演讲者意识到
他们言论的后果。

这里有些例子。

当你上大学时,

这是自由
和不受限制地交流思想的时候。

但有些想法和
用来表达它们的词语

可能会引起不和谐,

无论
是学生团体故意举办的煽动性活动,还是

课堂上对有争议问题的探索。

为了
保护知识自由

和他们最弱势的学生,

一些大学组建了团队
,将演讲者和听众聚集在一起,

不受任何制裁的可能性,

听取彼此的观点。

有时学生不想见面

,这很好。

但在其他情况下,

间接地暴露于相反的观点
可能会导致承认、

承认意外后果

并扩大视野。

这是一个例子。

在一所大学校园里,一群
支持以色列人

和支持巴勒斯坦

人的学生不断地互相举报

扰乱事件、
撕毁海报

和进行口头对抗。

认识到
学生所报告的大部分内容

并没有违反大学的
纪律守则

,大学邀请
两个小组坐下

来所谓的“恢复性圈子”

,在那里他们可以听到
彼此的观点,

不受制裁的可能性。

会后,

各团体之间的意识形态分歧

依然如初,

但他们之间的仇恨
明显消散。

现在,显然,这并不
总是发生。

但是,通过将对言论的反应
与学科体系分开,

高等教育机构

为富有成效的分歧
和拓宽视野创造了空间。

我们都有偏见。

我的意思不是坏的。

我们所有人都

受到家庭背景
、教育、生活经历

和其他一百万件事的影响,这是正确的。

组织也有影响,

最重要的是
,其成员的信仰,以及它们

所依据的法律

或它们竞争的市场。

这些影响可以
构成企业形象的重要组成部分,

对于吸引和留住人才至关重要。

但是这些“偏见”,正如我所说的那样,

也可能是一个挑战,

尤其是当我们谈论的

是画出允许某些言论而不允许其他言论的界限时
。 仅仅因为我们不同意

言论而发现言论
有害或具有破坏性的诱惑

是真实的。

但同样真实的是
某些类型的表达可能带来的伤害。

在这种情况下,第三方可以提供帮助。

还记得酒店,

试图决定是否
允许宗教团体举办其活动吗?

酒店不必就该群体的身份和信息
做出复杂的现场决定

,而是可以
依赖第三方,

例如南方贫困法律中心,

该中心拥有一份仇恨团体名单
。 美国,

甚至是它自己的
外部专家小组,

他们来自不同背景。

通过依靠第三方

在特定事件的背景之外划清界限

组织可以做出内容决策,

而不会被指责为
自私或偏见行事。

事实和意见之间的界限
是模糊的。

互联网提供了

在阳光下发布关于任何主题的几乎任何立场的机会。

在某些方面,这是一件好事。

它允许
表达少数群体的观点

并让
当权者承担责任。

但自由自发布的能力

意味着未经证实
甚至是彻头彻尾的虚假陈述

可以迅速获得流通和货币

,这是非常危险的。

删除帖子
或禁止用户的决定是一个艰难的决定。

有时它当然是合适的,

但也有其他
可用的工具

来促进富有成效
且负责任的辩论。

Twitter 最近
开始将推文标记

为具有误导性、欺骗性
或包含未经验证的信息。 Twitter 并没有

阻止对这些推文的访问,

而是链接
到包含

有关所提出声明的更多信息的来源。

一个很好且及时的例子
是它的冠状病毒页面,

其中包含
有关病毒传播的最新信息

以及如果您感染了该怎么办。

对我来说,这种方法很有意义。

这不是关闭对话,而是为论坛

带来更多的想法、
事实和背景。

而且,如果您知道您的
断言将

受到更权威的消息来源的反对,

那么它可能会首先

为更负责任的
言论创造动力。

让我以一个残酷的事实结束:

我所描述的结构
可以促进富有成效的辩论,

同时隔离真正有害的言论。

但不可避免地,一些
演讲会落入灰色地带,

可能会非常冒犯,

但也有可能
为公众辩论做出贡献。

在这种情况下

,我认为总的来说,

应该允许
更多而不是更少的发言。

这就是为什么。

一方面

,一个创新
或创造性的想法总是存在被压制的风险,

因为它看起来不熟悉或危险。

几乎按照定义,

创新想法挑战
了关于事物应该如何的正统观念。

因此,如果一个想法看起来
冒犯或危险

,可能是因为它确实如此,

也可能仅仅是
因为我们害怕改变。

但让我建议,即使
言论几乎没有价值,

也应该
通过公开辩论

而不是压制来显示这种缺陷。

非常清楚:

虚假言论可能
导致毁灭性的现实世界伤害,

从 15 世纪
欧洲被指控为女巫的妇女被烧死

,到美国南部非裔美国人的私刑,

再到卢旺达种族灭绝。 假话

的补救
办法是更多话

的想法并不总是正确的。

但我确实经常认为,
更多的演讲会有所帮助。

第一修正案
判例法中的一个著名故事说明了原因。

1977 年,一群新纳粹分子
想要在伊利诺伊州斯科基市

绿树成荫、宁静的郊区举行游行

,那里有大量
大屠杀幸存者。

市议会立即通过了
试图阻止纳粹的法令

,纳粹提起了诉讼。

这个案子一直
打到美国最高法院

,然后又退缩了。

法院认为,新纳粹分子
有权游行,并且他们可以在游行时

展示他们的万字符

并敬礼。

但是当游行的日子到来时

,在所有诉讼之后,

只有 20 名新纳粹分子出现

在伊利诺伊州芝加哥的联邦大楼前

,他们遇到
了 2000 名

回应纳粹仇恨信息的反抗议者

与包含的。

正如《芝加哥论坛报》所指出的

,纳粹游行
在 10 分钟后以不引人注目的方式结束。

弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔
乃至世界各地的暴力事件

表明,
这些故事的结局并不总是如此。

但对我来说,斯科基的故事是一个很好的故事

,它表明了
对仇恨言论的谬误和道德破产

的最好回应
不是通过压制,

而是通过
抵消善良和崇高思想的正义力量。

谢谢你。