Candis Watts Smith 3 myths about racism that keep the US from progress TED

Transcriber:

When I’m out at the grocery store
or maybe a restaurant

or the park with my son –
he’s six and a half –

people will stop us and mention
that they think that he’s handsome.

I agree.

They’ll use that opportunity
to chop it up with him,

and often when they’re done
talking with him,

they’ll mention that they think
he’s a smart and engaging little guy.

When those people walk away,
the thought that comes to my mind

is that I hope they remember
meeting him as a child

when they see him again as a grown man.

This thought comes to my mind

because I’ve written two books about race
and racism in the United States,

and this kind of work
can produce feelings of pessimism.

One of the things that I’ve learned

is that Americans have
an orientation toward progress.

In this context,

what that means is that we often celebrate
the distance between where we were

and where we are now.

But that same orientation can blind us
from the gap between where we are

and where we could or should be.

The other thing I’ve learned
about Americans

is that we have a very,
very narrow understanding of racism,

mostly in the minds and hearts of people,

usually old people –

old people from the South.

And this really narrow definition
can constrain our opportunities

to produce a more
racially egalitarian society.

We like to hunt for races

and distance ourselves from people who say
mean things about whole groups of people

or who idealize the 1950s.

But the fact of the matter is that
we might just need to look in the mirror.

Now, I’m not saying
that everyone here is a racist,

but what I am saying
is that everyone here has the capacity

and perhaps even the propensity

to live their life in a way,

to make decisions,

to rely on biases

that reproduce racial inequality.

Some people say, “Well, you do all this
work about racism. What’s the answer?”

And I say that the first thing
we might need to do

is to come to a shared understanding

about what racism is in the first place.

History shows that racists
have had the upper hand

in deciding who the racists are
and what racism is,

and it’s never them
or the things that they do.

But maybe if we come together

and come to a shared and perhaps a precise
definition of what racism is,

we can work toward creating a society

where mothers like me aren’t in constant
fear of their children’s lives.

I’d like to dispel
three myths about racism

on our trek toward mutual understanding.

First:

it’s true that the South has done
its work to earn its reputation

as the most racist region.

But there are other states and regions
that are competing for the title.

For example,

if we look at the most segregated states
in terms of where Black kids go to school,

we’ll see, sure, some are in the South.

There are some out west,

in the Midwest

and in the Northeast.

They’re where we live.

Or if we look at states
with the biggest racial disparities

in terms of prison populations,

we see that none of them
are in the South.

They’re where we live.

My colleague Rebecca Kreitzer and I

looked at a standard battery
of racial attitudes of prejudice,

and we found that in the 1990s,

states in the South dominated
the most racially negative attitudes.

But this geography has evolved,
and things have changed.

By 2016, we found
that the Dakotas, Nebraska,

states in the Midwest, in the Northeast,

were competing for the “most prejudiced
population” titles.

Now, I’m not saying that one state
is more racist than another,

but what I am saying is that every state

might have its own
special brand of racism.

And it doesn’t have to be like this.

Most of the inequalities that we see in
our day-to-day lives

happen at the state and local level.

What that means is that we don’t
have to go all the way to Congress

to make change in our communities.

We can simply hold our city, our county,
our state legislators to task

to produce more equitable outcomes.

Myth two:

we’re not that good
at hunting for racists.

Remember that time when the governor
of Virginia did blackface,

and people were like, “Oh, that’s bad.
I need to get that racist out of here”?

I was giving y’all the side-eye,
and here’s why.

While people were going back to yearbooks

to look for things
that were obviously racist,

fewer people were looking into
the current-day policy stances

of legislators who probably did
blackface but didn’t get caught.

So, how many of us
might have supported a candidate

who is willing to let neighborhoods
secede from their district

so that kids could go
to all-white schools –

in the 21st century?

Or how many of us might have
supported a ballot measure

that systematically reduced
some groups' chances of voting?

Or how many of us might have focused on
the behavior of Black mothers

rather than doctors or health care
systems and policies

when we learn about
the huge racial disparities

in maternal and infant mortality?

It doesn’t have to be like this.

We could do something different.

We could scrutinize the behaviors
of the rule makers.

We could orient ourselves
toward a more just society,

and on our way there,

we can’t mystify practical
policy solutions.

Myth three:

If you believe that when all
the grandmas in Mississippi die

that racism is going to go with them,

you are in for a big disappointment.

We like to think that young people

are going to do the hard work
of eradicating racism,

but there are some things
that we should note.

We know that young folks, young white
folks especially, like diversity,

they appreciate it,
they’re looking for it.

But we also know that they don’t
live diverse lives.

Research shows that the average white
American literally has one black friend.

And what that means is that most
don’t have any at all.

Sociologists like Sarah Mayorga show that
even when well-meaning white folks

move to diverse neighborhoods,

they don’t necessarily have
positive interactions,

no less any with their neighbors
who aren’t white.

My research with Professor
Christopher DeSante shows

that when we ask white millennials
their racial attitudes

and policy preferences,

that they’re sometimes,
just as in other times,

even more racially
conservative than boomers.

When we ask them about the things
that are important to them,

they don’t have
any particular sense of urgency

around questions of racial inequality.

How did we get like this?

Well, one of the things we might
think about is how we raise our kids

and equip them to solve the problems
that we want them to solve.

Research shows that
white parents in particular

will either choose to not talk
about issues of racism to their kids

in order to protect them
from a harsh racial reality

or they instill colorblind lessons,

and that can actually reinforce
negative racial attitudes.

So it’s kind of like

how some of your parents
might have given you books about puberty

so they didn’t have to talk about
the birds and the bees,

and then you tried to connect all the dots
and then you did it all wrong.

It’s like that.

It doesn’t have to be like this.

We can do better.

We can have hard
conversations with our kids

so that they don’t grow up
like many of us did,

thinking that talking about racism
makes you a racist – it doesn’t –

and so that we can prevent them
from making the same mistakes

that we’ve seen in the past.

Remember a long, long time ago in 2008,

when we were all pining to live
in a post-racial world?

Well, I say that it’s time for us
to think bigger and dream bigger

and think about what it would be like
to live in a post-racist world.

But in order to do that,
we’d have to come together

to have a shared definition of racism –

not just in the matter
of hearts and minds,

but in systems, policies, rules,

decisions made over and over again
to marginalize some people –

and agree to become anti-racists –
people who learn more and do better.

So we could ask harder
questions of candidates

about their stances on racial inequality

before we throw
our full weight behind them.

We could buycott or boycott businesses

whose practices don’t align
with our values.

We could talk to our kids about racism.

We could figure out our state’s
special brand of racism

and work to eradicate it.

People made racial disparities,
and people can unmake them.

And sure, it’ll be hard,

but the fact of the matter is,

someone is depending on us
to do nothing at all.

Thank you.

(Applause)

抄写员:

当我

和我的儿子——
他六岁半——在杂货店、餐馆或公园外出时,

人们会阻止我们并
提到他们认为他很帅。

我同意。

他们会利用这个
机会和他分手,

而且当他们
和他谈完之后,

他们经常会提到他们认为
他是一个聪明而迷人的小家伙。

当那些人走开
时,我脑海中浮现的想法

是,

当他们再次看到他成年时,我希望他们记得小时候见过他。

我之所以想到这个想法,是

因为我写了两本关于
美国种族和种族主义的书

,这种工作
会产生悲观情绪。

我学到的一件事

是美国人有
进步的方向。

在这种情况下,

这意味着我们经常庆祝
我们过去和现在之间的距离

但同样的方向会让我们看不到
我们所处的位置与我们可以或应该在的位置之间的差距

我从美国人那里了解到的另一件事

是,我们
对种族主义的理解非常非常狭隘,

主要存在于人们的思想和心中,

通常是老年人——

来自南方的老年人。

而这个非常狭隘的定义
可能会限制我们

创造一个更加
种族平等的社会的机会。

我们喜欢寻找种族,

并远离那些
对整个群体说

坏话或理想化 1950 年代的人。

但事实是,
我们可能只需要照照镜子。

现在,我并不是
说这里的每个人都是种族主义者,

但我要说的
是这里的每个人都有能力

,甚至可能倾向于

以某种方式过自己的生活,

做出决定

,依赖

繁殖种族的偏见 不等式。

有人说,“好吧,你做了所有
关于种族主义的工作。 答案是什么?”

我说,
我们可能需要做的第一件事

就是首先就什么是种族主义达成共识

历史表明,种族主义者

在决定谁是种族主义者
以及什么是种族主义方面占了上风,

而这绝不是他们
或他们所做的事情。

但也许如果我们

走到一起,就什么是种族主义达成一个共同的,也许是一个精确的
定义,

我们可以努力创造一个

像我这样的母亲不会一直
担心孩子生活的社会。

在我们走向相互理解的过程中,我想消除关于种族主义的三个神话。

第一:

确实,南方
已尽其所能赢得其

作为最种族主义地区的声誉。

但还有其他州和
地区在争夺冠军头衔。

例如,

如果我们看一下黑人孩子上学的最种族隔离的
州,

我们会看到,当然,有些州在南方。

有一些在西部,

在中西部

和东北部。

他们是我们住的地方。

或者,如果我们看看在监狱人口方面
种族差异最大的州,

我们会发现它们
都不在南方。

他们是我们住的地方。

我的同事 Rebecca Kreitzer 和我

研究了一系列标准
的种族偏见态度

,我们发现,在 1990 年代,

南方各州在种族偏见方面占主导地位

但是这个地理环境已经发生了变化
,事情也发生了变化。

到 2016 年,我们
发现中西部、东北部的达科他州、内布拉斯加州等

正在争夺“最有偏见的
人口”头衔。

现在,我并不是说一个州
比另一个州更种族主义,

但我要说的是每个州都

可能有自己
特殊的种族主义品牌。

它不必是这样的。

我们在日常生活中看到的大多数不平等都

发生在州和地方层面。

这意味着我们不必
一直到国会

去改变我们的社区。

我们可以简单地让我们的城市、我们的县、
我们的州立法者承担任务,

以产生更公平的结果。

误区二:

我们并不
擅长寻找种族主义者。

还记得那次
弗吉尼亚州州长黑脸的时候

,人们就像,“哦,那很糟糕。
我需要把那个种族主义者赶出去”?

我给了你们所有人的侧眼
,这就是为什么。

当人们回到

年鉴寻找
明显种族主义的东西时,

很少有人关注立法者
当前的政策

立场,他们可能做了
黑脸但没有被抓到。

那么,在 21 世纪,我们当中有多少人
可能会支持一个

愿意让社区
从他们所在的地区分离出来

以便孩子们可以
上全白人学校的候选人

或者我们当中有多少人可能
支持

一项系统地减少
某些群体投票机会的投票措施?

或者,当我们了解到孕产妇和婴儿死亡率存在巨大的种族差异时,我们当中有多少人可能会关注
黑人母亲的行为,

而不是医生或医疗保健
系统和政策

它不必是这样的。

我们可以做一些不同的事情。

我们可以审查
规则制定者的行为。

我们可以将自己定位
于一个更加公正的社会,

而在通往那里的道路上,

我们无法神秘化实际的
政策解决方案。

误区三:

如果你相信当
密西西比州所有的祖母都死了

,种族主义就会随之而来,

你会大失所望。

我们喜欢认为

年轻人会为消除种族主义做艰苦的工作

但有些
事情我们应该注意。

我们知道年轻人,
尤其是年轻的白人,喜欢多样性,

他们欣赏它,
他们正在寻找它。

但我们也知道他们的
生活并不多样化。

研究表明,
美国白人平均只有一个黑人朋友。

这意味着大多数人
根本没有。

像莎拉·马约加这样的社会学家表明,
即使善意的白人

搬到不同的社区,

他们也不一定有
积极的互动

,更不用说与
他们的非白人邻居了。

我与
克里斯托弗·德桑特教授的研究表明

,当我们询问白人千禧一代
的种族态度

和政策偏好时

,他们有时
和其他时候一样,在

种族上
比婴儿潮一代更加保守。

当我们向他们询问
对他们来说重要的事情时,

他们

对种族不平等问题没有任何特别的紧迫感。

我们是怎么变成这样的?

好吧,我们可能会
考虑的一件事是我们如何抚养我们的孩子

并让他们能够
解决我们希望他们解决的问题。

研究表明,
白人父母尤其

会选择不
向孩子谈论种族主义问题

,以保护他们
免受严酷的种族现实的影响,

或者他们灌输色盲课程

,这实际上会强化
负面的种族态度。

所以这有点像

你的一些父母
可能会给你关于青春期的书,

这样他们就不必
谈论鸟类和蜜蜂,

然后你试图把所有的点联系起来
,然后你做错了。

就像那样。

它不必是这样的。

我们可以做得更好。

我们可以
与我们的孩子进行艰难的对话,

这样他们就不会
像我们许多人那样长大,

认为谈论种族主义
会让你成为种族主义者——事实并非

如此——这样我们就可以防止
他们做出同样的事情

我们过去看到的错误。

还记得很久很久以前的 2008 年,

当时我们都渴望生活
在一个后种族世界中吗?

好吧,我说是时候让
我们思考更大、梦想更大

,想想
生活在一个后种族主义世界会是什么样子。

但为了做到这一点,
我们必须团结起来

,对种族主义有一个共同的定义——

不仅仅是
在心灵和思想问题上,

而且在系统、政策、规则、

一遍又一遍的决定中,
以边缘化一些人 人们——

并同意成为反种族主义者——
学习更多、做得更好的人。

因此,在我们全力支持候选人之前,我们可以

就他们对种族不平等的立场向候选人提出更难的问题

我们可以收购或抵制

那些做法不
符合我们价值观的企业。

我们可以和我们的孩子谈论种族主义。

我们可以找出我们州的
特殊种族主义品牌

并努力根除它。

人们制造了种族差异
,人们可以消除它们。

当然,这会很困难,

但事实是,

有人指望
我们什么都不做。

谢谢你。

(掌声)