How we can make racism a solvable problem and improve policing Dr. Phillip Atiba Goff

When people meet me
for the first time on my job,

they often feel inspired to share
a revelation they’ve had about me,

and it kind of goes something like this.

“Hey, I know why police chiefs

like to share their deep,
dark secrets with you.

Phil, with your PhD in psychology,

and your shiny bald head,

you’re basically
the Black Dr. Phil, right?”

(Laughter)

And for each and every person
who’s ever said that to me

I do want to say thank you

because that was the first time
I ever heard that joke.

(Laughter)

But for everybody else,
I really hope you’ll believe me

when I tell you no police chief
likes talking to me

because they think
I’m a clinical psychologist.

And also I’m not.

I have no idea what your mother
did to you, and I can’t help.

(Laughter)

Police chiefs like talking to me

because I’m an expert on a problem
that feels impossible for them to solve:

racism in their profession.

Now my expertise
comes from being a scientist

who studies how our minds learn
to associate Blackness and crime

and misperceive Black children
as older than they actually are.

It also comes from studying
actual police behavior,

which is how I know that every year,

about one in five adults
in the United States

has contact with law enforcement.

Out of those, about a million
are targeted for police use of force.

And if you’re Black,

you’re two to four times more likely
to be targeted for that force

than if you’re white.

But it also comes from knowing
what those statistics feel like.

I’ve experienced the fear
of seeing an officer unclip their gun

and the panic of realizing that someone
might mistake my 13-year-old godson

as old enough to be a threat.

So when a police chief,

or a pastor,

or an imam, or a mother –

when they call me after an officer
shoots another unarmed Black child,

I understand a bit
of the pain in their voice.

It’s the pain of a heart breaking
when it fails to solve a deadly problem.

Breaking from trying to do something

that feels simultaneously
necessary and impossible.

The way trying to fix
racism usually feels.

Necessary and impossible.

So, police chiefs like talking to me
because I’m an expert,

but I doubt they’d be lining up
to lie down on Dr. Phil’s couch

if I told them all their
problems were hopeless.

All of my research,

and the decade of work
I’ve done with my center –

the Center for Policing Equity –

actually leads me to a hopeful conclusion

amidst all the heartbreak
of race in America,

which is this:

trying to solve racism feels impossible

because our definition of racism
makes it impossible –

but it doesn’t have to be that way.

So here’s what I mean.

The most common definition of racism

is that racist behaviors are the product
of contaminated hearts and minds.

When you listen to the way we talk
about trying to cure racism,

you’ll hear it.

“We need to stamp out hatred.

We need to combat ignorance,” right?

It’s hearts and minds.

Now the only problem with that definition
is that it’s completely wrong –

both scientifically and otherwise.

One of the foundational insights
of social psychology

is that attitudes are
very weak predictors of behaviors,

but more importantly than that,

no Black community
has ever taken to the streets

to demand that white people
would love us more.

Communities march to stop the killing,

because racism
is about behaviors, not feelings.

And even when civil rights leaders

like King and Fannie Lou Hamer
used the language of love,

the racism they fought,

that was segregation and brutality.

It’s actions over feelings.

And every one of
those leaders would agree,

if a definition of racism
makes it harder to see

the injuries racism causes,

that’s not just wrong.

A definition that cares
about the intentions of abusers

more than the harms to the abused –

that definition of racism is racist.

But when we change the definition
of racism from attitudes to behaviors,

we transform that problem
from impossible to solvable.

Because you can measure behaviors.

And when you can measure a problem,

you can tap into one of the only
universal rules of organizational success.

You’ve got a problem or a goal,
you measure it,

you hold yourself accountable
to that metric.

So if every other organization
measures success this way,

why can’t we do that in policing?

It turns out we actually already do.

Police departments already practice
data-driven accountability,

it’s just for crime.

The vast majority of police departments
across the United States

use a system called CompStat.

It’s a process that,
when you use it right,

it identifies crime data,

it tracks it and identifies patterns,

and then it allows departments
to hold themselves accountable

to public safety goals.

It usually works either by directing
police attentions and police resources,

or changing police behavior
once they show up.

So if I see a string of muggings
in that neighborhood,

I’m going to want to increase
patrols in that neighborhood.

If I see a spike in homicides,

I’m going to want to talk
to the community to find out why

and collaborate on changes on police
behavior to tamp down the violence.

Now when you define racism
in terms of measurable behaviors,

you can do the same thing.

You can create a CompStat for justice.

That’s exactly what the Center
for Policing Equity has been doing.

So let me tell you how that works.

After a police department invites us in,

we handle the legal stuff,
we engage with the community,

our next step is to analyze their data.

The goal of these analyses is to determine

how much do crime, poverty,
neighborhood demographics

predict, let’s say, police use of force?

Let’s say that those factors predict

police will use force
on this many Black people.

There?

So our next question is,

how many Black people
actually are targeted

for police use of force?

Let’s say it’s this many.

So what’s up with the gap?

Well, a big portion of the gap
is the difference

between what’s predicted
by things police can’t control

and what’s predicted
by things police can control –

their policies and their behaviors.

And what we’re looking for
are the types of contact

or the areas in the city

where that gap is biggest,

because then we can tell our partners,

“Look here. Solve this problem first.”

It’s actually the kind of therapy
police chiefs can get behind,

because there is nothing so inspiring
in the face of our history of racism

as a solvable problem.

Look, if the community in Minneapolis
asked their police department

to remedy the moral failings
of race in policing,

I’m not sure they know how to do that.

But if instead the community says,

“Hey, you’re data say you’re beating up
a lot of homeless folks.

You want to knock that off?”

That’s something police
can learn how to do.

And they did.

So in 2015, the Minneapolis PD let us know

their community was concerned
they were using force too often.

So we showed them
how to leverage their own data

to identify situations
where force could be avoided.

And when you look at those data,

you’ll see that a disproportionate number
of their use-of-force incidents,

they involved somebody who’s homeless,
in mental distress,

has a substance abuse issue
or some combination of all three –

more than you expect

based on those factors
I was just telling you about.

So right there’s the gap.

Next question is why.

Well, it turns out homeless folks
often need services.

And when those services are unavailable,
when they can’t get their meds,

they lose their spot in the shelter,

they’re more likely to engage in behaviors
that end up with folks calling the cops.

And when the cops show up,

they’re more likely
to resist intervention,

oftentimes because they haven’t
actually done anything illegal,

they’re literally just living outside.

The problem wasn’t a need to train
officers differently in Minneapolis.

The problem was the fact
that folks were using the cops

to “treat” substance abuse
and homelessness in the first place.

So the city of Minneapolis found a way
to deliver social services

and city resources

to the homeless community
before anybody ever called the cops.

(Applause)

Now the problem isn’t
always homelessness, right?

Sometimes the problem is
fear of immigration enforcement,

like it was in Salt Lake City,
or it is in Houston,

where the chiefs had to come forward

and say, “We’re not going
to deport you just for calling 911.”

Or the problem is foot pursuits,

like it was in Las Vegas,

where they had to train their officers
to slow down and take a breath

instead of allowing the adrenaline
in that situation to escalate it.

It’s searches in Oakland;

it’s pulling folks
out of cars in San Jose;

it’s the way that they patrol
the neighborhoods

that make up Zone 3 in Pittsburgh

and the Black neighborhoods
closest to the waterfront in Baltimore.

But in each city,

if we can give them a solvable problem,

they get busy solving it.

And together our partners have seen
an average of 25 percent fewer arrests,

fewer use-of-force incidents

and 13 percent fewer
officer-related injuries.

Essentially, by identifying
the biggest gaps

and directing police
attentions to solving it,

we can deliver a data-driven vaccine
against racial disparities in policing.

Right now, we have the capacity
to partner with about 40 cities at a time.

That means if we want the United States
to stop feeling exhausted

from trying to solve
an impossible problem,

we’re going to need
a lot more infrastructure.

Because our goal is to have
our tools be able to scale

the brilliance of dedicated organizers

and reform-minded chiefs.

So to get there we’re going to need
the kind of collective will

that desegregated schools

and won the franchise for the sons
and daughters of former slaves

so that we can build
a kind of health care system

capable of delivering our vaccine
across the country.

Because our audacious idea

is to deliver a CompStat for justice

to departments serving 100 million people
across the United States

in the next five years.

(Applause and cheers)

Doing that would mean arming
about a third of the United States

with tools to reduce racial disparities
in police stops, arrests and use of force,

but also tools to reduce
predatory cash bail

and mass incarceration,

family instability

and chronic mental health
and substance abuse issues,

and every other ill that our broken
criminal-legal systems aggravate.

Because every unnecessary
arrest we can prevent

saves a family from the terrifying journey
through each one of those systems.

Just like every gun we can leave holstered

saves an entire community
from a lifetime of grief.

Look, each and every one of us,

we measure the things that matter to us.

Businesses measure profit;

good students keep track of their grades;

families chart the growth
of their children

with pencil markings in doorframes.

We all measure the things
that matter most to us,

which is why we feel the neglect

when nobody’s bothering
to measure anything at all.

For the past quarter millennium,

we’ve defined the problems
of race and policing

in a way that’s functionally
impossible to measure.

But now the science says
we can just change that definition.

And the folks at the Center
for Policing Equity,

I actually think we may have measured

more police behavior
than any one in human history.

And that means that once we have the will

and the resources to do it,

this could be the generation

that stops feeling like racism
is an unsolvable problem

and instead sees

that what’s been necessary
for far too long is possible.

Thank you.

(Applause and cheers)

当人们
在我的工作中第一次见到我时,

他们常常会受到鼓舞,分享
他们对我的启示,大概

是这样的。

“嘿,我知道为什么警察局长

喜欢和你分享他们深刻而
黑暗的秘密。

菲尔,有你的心理学博士学位,

还有你闪亮的光头,

你基本上
就是黑人菲尔博士,对吧?”

(笑声

) 对于每一个
曾经对我说过这

句话的人,我真的想说声谢谢,

因为那是
我第一次听到这个笑话。

(笑声)

但是对于其他所有人,
我真的希望你们相信我,

当我告诉你们没有警察局长
喜欢和我说话

因为他们认为
我是一名临床心理学家时。

而且我不是。

我不知道你妈妈
对你做了什么,我也无能为力。

(笑声)

警察局长喜欢跟我说话,

因为我是一个
他们觉得不可能解决的问题的专家:

他们职业中的种族主义。

现在,我的专长
来自于作为一名科学家

,他研究我们的大脑如何学会
将黑人与犯罪联系起来,

并误认为黑人
儿童比他们实际年龄大。

它还来自对
实际警察行为的研究

,据我所知,每年美国

约有五分之一的成年人

与执法部门有过接触。

其中,大约有一百万
是警察使用武力的目标。

如果你是黑人,

那么你
成为该势力目标的可能性是

白人的两到四倍。

但这也来自于
了解这些统计数据的感觉。

我曾经历过
害怕看到警察解

开枪的恐惧,以及意识到有人
可能会误认为我 13 岁的教子

大到足以构成威胁的恐慌。

因此,当警察局长

、牧师、

伊玛目或母亲——

当他们在警察
射杀另一个手无寸铁的黑人儿童后打电话给我时,

我能理解
他们声音中的一点痛苦。

当它无法解决一个致命的问题时,这是一种令人心碎的痛苦。

从尝试做一些


必要又不可能的事情中解脱出来。

试图解决
种族主义的方式通常是感觉。

必要的和不可能的。

所以,警察局长喜欢跟我说话,
因为我是专家,

但我怀疑

如果我告诉他们他们所有的
问题都是无望的,他们会排着队躺在菲尔博士的沙发上。

我所有的研究,

以及
我在我的中心 -

警务公平中心所做的十年工作 -

实际上让我在美国种族的所有心碎中得出了一个充满希望的结论

那就是:

试图解决种族主义 感觉不可能,

因为我们对种族主义的定义
使它变得不可能——

但不一定非要如此。

所以这就是我的意思。

种族主义最常见的定义

是种族主义行为是被
污染的心灵和思想的产物。

当你听我们
谈论试图治愈种族主义的方式时,

你会听到它。

“我们需要消除仇恨。

我们需要与无知作斗争,”对吗?

这是心灵和思想。

现在这个定义的唯一问题
是它完全错误——

无论是在科学上还是在其他方面。 社会心理学

的基本见解之一

是态度是
非常微弱的行为预测指标,

但更重要的是,

没有黑人社区
曾走上

街头要求白人
更爱我们。

社区游行阻止杀戮,

因为种族主义
是关于行为,而不是感情。

即使

像金和范妮·卢·哈默这样的民权领袖
使用爱的语言,

他们反对的种族主义,

那也是种族隔离和残暴。

是行动重于感情。

这些领导人中的每一位都会同意,

如果种族主义的定义
使人们更难看到

种族主义造成的伤害,

那不仅是错误的。

一个更
关心施虐者意图而

不是对受虐者伤害的

定义——种族主义的定义是种族主义。

但是,当我们将
种族主义的定义从态度转变为行为时,

我们就将这个问题
从不可能变为可以解决。

因为你可以衡量行为。

当你可以衡量一个问题时,

你可以利用
组织成功的唯一普遍规则之一。

你有一个问题或一个目标,
你衡量它,

你让自己
对那个指标负责。

因此,如果其他所有组织都以
这种方式衡量成功,

为什么我们不能在警务方面这样做呢?

事实证明,我们实际上已经这样做了。

警察部门已经实行
数据驱动的问责制,

这只是为了犯罪。

美国绝大多数警察部门

使用名为 CompStat 的系统。

这是一个过程,
当你正确使用它时,

它会识别犯罪数据,

跟踪它并识别模式,

然后它允许部门

对公共安全目标负责。

它通常通过引导
警察的注意力和警察资源,

或在警察出现后改变警察的
行为来发挥作用。

因此,如果我
在那个街区看到一连串抢劫案,

我会想
在那个街区增加巡逻。

如果我看到凶杀案激增,

我会想和
社区谈谈,找出原因,

并合作改变警察的
行为,以遏制暴力。

现在,当您
根据可衡量的行为来定义种族主义时,

您可以做同样的事情。

您可以为正义创建一个 CompStat。

这正是
警察公平中心一直在做的事情。

那么让我告诉你它是如何工作的。

在警察局邀请我们加入后

,我们处理法律事务,
与社区互动

,下一步是分析他们的数据。

这些分析的目的是

确定犯罪、贫困、
社区人口统计数据

对警察使用武力的预测程度?

假设这些因素预测

警察将对
这么多黑人使用武力。

那里?

所以我们的下一个问题是,有

多少黑人
实际上

是警察使用武力的目标?

假设有这么多。

那么这个差距是怎么回事?

好吧,差距的很大一部分是

警察无法控制

的事情的预测
与警察可以控制的事情(

他们的政策和行为)之间的差异。

我们正在寻找的
是联系类型

或城市

中差距最大的区域,

因为这样我们就可以告诉我们的合作伙伴,

“看这里。先解决这个问题。”

这实际上是
警察局长可以落后的那种治疗方法,

因为
面对我们的种族主义历史,没有什么比

可以解决的问题更能鼓舞人心了。

看,如果明尼阿波利斯的社区
要求他们的警察

部门纠正
种族在警务方面的道德缺陷,

我不确定他们是否知道该怎么做。

但如果社区说,

“嘿,你的数据表明你殴打
了很多无家可归的人。

你想把它关掉吗?”

这是警察
可以学习如何做的事情。

他们做到了。

所以在 2015 年,明尼阿波利斯警察局让我们知道

他们的社区担心
他们过于频繁地使用武力。

因此,我们向他们展示了
如何利用自己的数据

来识别
可以避免使用武力的情况。

当您查看这些数据时,

您会发现
他们使用武力的事件数量不成比例,

其中涉及无家可归者
、精神痛苦

、药物滥用问题
或三者兼而有之的人——

超过 你期望

基于
我刚刚告诉你的那些因素。

所以就出现了差距。

下一个问题是为什么。

好吧,事实证明,无家可归的人
经常需要服务。

当这些服务不可用时,
当他们无法获得药物时,

他们在避难所中失去了自己的位置,

他们更有可能
做出最终导致人们报警的行为。

当警察出现时,

他们更有
可能抵制干预,

通常是因为他们
实际上没有做过任何违法的事情,

他们实际上只是住在外面。

问题不在于需要
在明尼阿波利斯对军官进行不同的培训。

问题
在于人们首先使用警察

来“治疗”药物滥用
和无家可归者。

因此,明尼阿波利斯市找到了一种

在有人报警之前为无家可归者社区提供社会服务和城市资源的方法。

(掌声)

现在问题不
总是无家可归,对吧?

有时问题是
担心移民执法,

就像在盐湖城,
或者在休斯顿

,酋长不得不站

出来说:“我们不会
仅仅因为你打了 911 就将你驱逐出境。”

或者问题是徒步追逐,

就像在拉斯维加斯一样

,他们必须训练他们的
军官放慢速度,喘口气,

而不是让肾上腺素
在那种情况下升级。

这是在奥克兰的搜索;

它正在把人们
从圣何塞的汽车中拉出来;

这是他们

在匹兹堡 3 区


巴尔的摩最靠近海滨的黑人社区巡逻的方式。

但是在每个城市,

如果我们能给他们一个可以解决的问题,

他们就会忙着解决它。

与我们的合作伙伴一起
,逮捕人数平均减少了 25%,

使用武力的事件

减少了,警官相关伤害减少了 13%

从本质上讲,通过
确定最大的差距

并引导警方
解决这个问题,

我们可以提供一种数据驱动的疫苗来
对抗警务中的种族差异。

目前,我们有
能力一次与大约 40 个城市合作。

这意味着,如果我们希望
美国不再

因为试图解决
一个不可能解决的问题而感到筋疲力尽,

我们将
需要更多的基础设施。

因为我们的目标是让
我们的工具能够扩大

敬业的组织者

和具有改革意识的负责人的才华。

因此,要实现这一目标,我们将
需要一种集体意志

,即废除学校的种族隔离

并为前奴隶的子女赢得特许权,

以便我们能够建立
一种能够在全国范围内提供疫苗的医疗保健系统

因为我们大胆的想法

是在未来五年内向为美国

1 亿人服务的部门提供司法统计数据

(掌声和欢呼)

这样做意味着用工具武装
大约三分之一的美国

,以减少
警察拦截、逮捕和使用武力方面的种族差异,

同时也减少
掠夺性现金保释

和大规模监禁、

家庭不稳定

和慢性精神障碍的工具 健康
和药物滥用问题,

以及我们破碎的
刑事法律系统加剧的所有其他疾病。

因为
我们可以阻止的每一次不必要的逮捕都会使

一个家庭免于
经历这些系统中的每一个的可怕旅程。

就像我们可以将每支枪都放在枪套里一样,可以

将整个社区
从一生的悲痛中拯救出来。

看,我们每一个人,都会

衡量对我们来说重要的事情。

企业衡量利润;

好学生跟踪他们的成绩;

家庭

用铅笔在门框上做标记来记录孩子的成长。

我们都在衡量
对我们最重要的事情,

这就是为什么

当没有人费心
去衡量任何事情时,我们会感到被忽视。

在过去的 25 年里,

我们

以一种在功能上无法衡量的方式定义了种族和警务问题

但现在科学表明
我们可以改变这个定义。

警务公平中心的人们

我实际上认为我们衡量

的警察行为可能
比人类历史上任何人都多。

这意味着一旦我们有意愿

和资源去做这件事,

这一代人

可能不再觉得种族主义
是一个无法解决的问题

,而是

认为长期以来必要
的事情是可能的。

谢谢你。

(掌声和欢呼)