Erika Pinheiro Whats really happening at the USMexico border and how we can do better TED

Twice a week,

I drive from my home near Tijuana, Mexico,

over the US border,
to my office in San Diego.

The stark contrast between the poverty
and desperation on one side of the border

and the conspicuous wealth on the other

always feels jarring.

But what makes this contrast
feel even starker

is when I pass by the building
that those of us who work on the border

unaffectionately refer to
as the black hole.

The black hole is the Customs
and Border Protection,

or CBP facility,

at the San Ysidro port of entry,

right next to a luxury outlet mall.

It’s also where, at any one time,

there’s likely 800 immigrants

locked in freezing, filthy,
concrete cells below the building.

Up top: shopping bags and frappuccinos.

Downstairs: the reality
of the US immigration system.

And it’s where, one day
in September of 2018,

I found myself trying to reach Anna,

a woman who CBP had recently separated
from her seven-year-old son.

I’m an immigration attorney

and the policy and litigation director
of Al Otro Lado,

a binational nonprofit helping immigrants
on both sides of the US-Mexico border.

We’d met Anna several weeks earlier
at our Tijuana office,

where she explained that she feared
she and her son would be killed in Mexico.

So we prepared her for the process
of turning herself over to CBP

to ask for asylum.

A few days after she’d gone
to the port of entry to ask for help,

we received a frantic phone call

from her family members
in the United States,

telling us that CBP officials
had taken Anna’s son from her.

Now, not that this should matter,

but I knew that Anna’s son
had special needs.

And once again,

this news filled me with the sense
of panic and foreboding

that has unfortunately become
a hallmark of my daily work.

I had a signed authorization
to act as Anna’s attorney,

so I rushed over to the port of entry

to see if I could speak with my client.

Not only would CBP officials
not let me speak to Anna,

but they wouldn’t even tell me
if she was there.

I went from supervisor to supervisor,

begging to submit evidence
of Anna’s son’s special needs,

but no one would even
talk to me about the case.

It felt surreal to watch
the shoppers strolling idly by

what felt like a life-and-death situation.

After several hours
of being stonewalled by CBP,

I left.

Several days later,

I found Anna’s son
in the foster-care system.

But I didn’t know what happened to Anna

until over a week later,

when she turned up
at a detention camp a few miles east.

Now, Anna didn’t have a criminal record,

and she followed the law
when asking for asylum.

Still, immigration officials
held her for three more months,

until we could win her release

and help her reunify with her son.

Anna’s story is not
the only story I could tell you.

There’s Mateo, an 18-month-old boy,

who was ripped from his father’s arms

and sent to a government shelter
thousands of miles away,

where they failed
to properly bathe him for months.

There’s Amadou,

an unaccompanied African child,

who was held with adults for 28 days
in CBP’s horrific facilities.

Most disturbingly, there’s Maria,

a pregnant refugee who begged
for medical attention for eight hours

before she miscarried in CBP custody.

CBP officials held her
for three more weeks

before they sent her back to Mexico,

where she is being forced to wait months

for an asylum hearing
in the United States.

Seeing these horrors
day in and day out has changed me.

I used to be fun at parties,

but now, I inevitably
find myself telling people

about how our government
tortures refugees at the border

and in the detention camps.

Now, people try to change the subject

and congratulate me for the great work
I’m doing in helping people like Anna.

But I don’t know
how to make them understand

that unless they start fighting,
harder than they ever thought possible,

we don’t know which of us
will be the next to suffer Anna’s fate.

Trump’s mass separations
of refugee families

at the southern border

shocked the conscience of the world

and woke many to the cruelties
of the US immigration system.

It seems like today,

more people than ever are involved
in the fight for immigrant rights.

But unfortunately, the situation
is just not getting better.

Thousands protested
to end family separations,

but the government
is still separating families.

More than 900 children
have been taken from their parents

since June of 2018.

Thousands more refugee children
have been taken from their grandparents,

siblings and other
family members at the border.

Since 2017,

at least two dozen people have died
in immigration custody.

And more will die, including children.

Now, we lawyers can
and will keep filing lawsuits

to stop the government
from brutalizing our clients,

but we can’t keep tinkering
around the edges of the law

if we want migrants
to be treated humanely.

This administration would have you believe
that we have to separate families

and we have to detain children,

because it will stop more refugees
from coming to our borders.

But we know that this isn’t true.

In fact, in 2019,

the number of apprehensions
at our southern border

has actually gone up.

And we tell people
every day at the border,

“If you seek asylum in the United States,

you risk family separation,

and you risk being detained indefinitely.”

But for many of them,
the alternative is even worse.

People seek refuge in the United States
for a lot of different reasons.

In Tijuana, we’ve met refugees
from over 50 countries,

speaking 14 different languages.

We meet LGBT migrants
from all over the world

who have never been in a country
in which they feel safe.

We meet women from all over the world

whose own governments
refuse to protect them

from brutal domestic violence
or repressive social norms.

Of course, we meet
Central American families

who are fleeing gang violence.

But we also meet Russian dissidents,

Venezuelan activists,

Christians from China, Muslims from China,

and thousands and thousands
of other refugees

fleeing all types
of persecution and torture.

Now, a lot of these people
would qualify as refugees

under the international legal definition.

The Refugee Convention
was created after World War II

to give protection to people
fleeing persecution

based on their race, religion,
nationality, political opinion

or membership
in a particular social group.

But even those who would be refugees
under the international definition

are not going to win asylum
in the United States.

And that’s because since 2017,

the US Attorneys General have made
sweeping changes to asylum law,

to make sure that less people qualify
for protection in the United States.

Now these laws are mostly aimed
at Central Americans

and keeping them out of the country,

but they affect other types
of refugees as well.

The result is that the US
frequently deports refugees

to their persecution and death.

The US is also using detention
to try to deter refugees

and make it harder for them
to win their cases.

Today, there are over 55,000 immigrants
detained in the United States,

many in remote detention facilities,

far from any type of legal help.

And this is very important.

Because it’s civil
and not criminal detention,

there is no public defender system,

so most detained immigrants
are not going to have an attorney

to help them with their cases.

An immigrant who has an attorney

is up to 10 times more likely
to win their case

than one who doesn’t.

And as you’ve seen, I hate
to be the bearer of bad news,

but the situation is even worse
for refugee families today

than it was during family separation.

Since January of 2019,

the US has implemented a policy

that’s forced over 40,000 refugees
to wait in Mexico

for asylum hearings in the United States.

These refugees, many of whom are families,

are trapped in some of the most
dangerous cities in the world,

where they’re being raped, kidnapped

and extorted by criminal groups.

And if they survive for long enough
to make it to their asylum hearing,

less than one percent of them
are able to find an attorney

to help them with their cases.

The US government will point
to the lowest asylum approval rates

to argue that these people
are not really refugees,

when in fact, US asylum law
is an obstacle course

designed to make them fail.

Now not every migrant
at the border is a refugee.

I meet plenty of economic migrants.

For example, people who want to go
to the United States to work,

to pay medical bills for a parent

or school fees for a child back home.

Increasingly, I’m also meeting
climate refugees.

In particular, I’m meeting
a lot of indigenous Central Americans

who can no longer
sustain themselves by farming,

due to catastrophic drought in the region.

We know that today,

people are migrating
because of climate change,

and that more will do so in the future,

but we simply don’t have a legal system
to deal with this type of migration.

So, it would make sense, as a start,

to expand the refugee definition

to include climate refugees, for example.

But those of us in a position
to advocate for those changes

are too busy suing our government

to keep the meager legal protections
that refugees enjoy under the current law.

And we are exhausted,

and it’s almost too late to help.

And we know now

that this isn’t America’s problem alone.

From Australia’s brutal
offshore detention camps

to Italy’s criminalization of aid
to migrants drowning in the Mediterranean,

first-world countries
have gone to deadly lengths

to keep refugees from reaching our shores.

But they’ve done more
than restrict the refugee definition.

They’ve created parallel,
fascist-style legal systems

in which migrants have none of the rights
that form the basis of a democracy,

the alleged foundation of the countries
in which they’re seeking refuge.

History shows us that the first group

to be vilified and stripped
of their rights is rarely the last,

and many Americans and Europeans

seem to accept an opaque
and unjust legal system for noncitizens,

because they think they are immune.

But eventually,

these authoritarian ideals bleed over
and affect citizens as well.

I learned this firsthand

when the US government placed me
on an illegal watch list

for my work helping
immigrants at the border.

One day, in January of 2019,

I was leaving my office in San Diego

and crossing the border
to go back to my home in Mexico.

Mexican officials, although they had
given me a valid visa,

stopped me and told me
that I couldn’t enter the country

because a foreign government
had placed a travel alert on my passport,

designating me
as a national security risk.

I was detained and interrogated
in a filthy room for hours.

I begged the Mexican officials

to let me go back to Mexico
and pick up my son,

who was only 10 months old at the time.

But they refused,

and instead, they turned me over
to CBP officials,

where I was forced back
into the United States.

It took me weeks to get another visa
so that I could go back to Mexico,

and I went to the border, visa in hand.

But again, I was detained and interrogated

because there was still
a travel alert on my passport.

Shortly after,

leaked internal CBP documents

confirmed that my own government

had been complicit in issuing
this travel alert against me.

And since then, I haven’t traveled
to any other countries,

because I’m afraid I’ll be detained

and deported from those countries as well.

These travel restrictions, detentions

and separation from my infant son

are things I never thought
I would experience as a US citizen,

but I’m far from the only person
being criminalized for helping immigrants.

The US and other countries
have made it a crime to save lives,

and those of us who are simply
trying to do our jobs

are being forced to choose
between our humanity and our freedom.

And the thing that makes me so desperate

is that all of you
are facing the same choice,

but you don’t understand it yet.

And I know there are
good people out there.

I saw thousands of you in the streets,

protesting family separation.

And that largely helped
bring about an end to the official policy.

But we know that the government
is still separating children.

And things are actually getting worse.

Today, the US government
is fighting for the right

to detain refugee children
indefinitely in prison camps.

This isn’t over.

We cannot allow ourselves
to become numb or look away.

Those of us who are citizens of countries

whose policies cause detention,
separation and death,

need to very quickly decide
which side we’re on.

We need to demand that our laws respect
the inherent dignity of all human beings,

especially refugees
seeking help at our borders,

but including economic migrants
and climate refugees.

We need to demand
that refugees get a fair shot

at seeking protection in our countries

by ensuring that they have
access to council

and by creating independent courts

that are not subject
to the political whims of the president.

I know it’s overwhelming,

and I know this sounds cliché, but …

we need to call
our elected representatives

and demand these changes.

I know you’ve heard this before,

but have you made the call?

We know these calls make a difference.

The dystopian immigration systems
being built up in first-world countries

are a test of citizens

to see how far you’re willing
to let the government go

in taking away other people’s rights
when you think it won’t happen to you.

But when you let the government
take people’s children

without due process

and detain people indefinitely
without access to council,

you are failing the test.

What’s happening to immigrants now

is a preview of where we’re all headed
if we fail to act.

Thank you.

(Applause)

每周两次

,我从墨西哥蒂华纳附近的家中开车

经过美国边境,
前往我在圣地亚哥的办公室。

边境一侧的贫困和绝望与另一侧

的显着财富之间的鲜明对比

总是让人感到不和谐。

但让这种对比更加鲜明的

是,当我经过
我们这些在边境工作的人

无情地
称之为黑洞的建筑物时。

黑洞是位于圣伊西德罗入境口岸的海关
和边境保护

局(CBP)设施,就

一家豪华直销购物中心旁边。

这也是在任何时候,

可能有 800 名移民

被锁在建筑物下方冰冷、肮脏的
混凝土牢房中的地方。

最上面:购物袋和星冰乐。

楼下:
美国移民制度的现实。

在那里,
2018 年 9 月的一天,

我发现自己试图联系安娜,

一位 CBP 最近
与她 7 岁儿子分居的妇女。

我是移民律师

,也是
Al Otro Lado 的政策和诉讼主管,这

是一家帮助美墨边境两侧移民的跨国非营利组织

几周前
,我们在蒂华纳的办公室遇到了安娜

,她解释说她担心
她和她的儿子会在墨西哥被杀。

因此,我们为她向 CBP 申请庇护的过程做好了准备

在她
到入境口岸寻求帮助几天后,

我们接到了


在美国的家人的疯狂电话,

告诉我们 CBP 官员
已经把安娜的儿子从她身边带走了。

现在,这并不重要,

但我知道安娜的儿子
有特殊需要。

再一次,

这个消息让我充满
了恐慌和不祥的预感

,不幸的是,这已经
成为我日常工作的标志。

我签署
了担任安娜律师的授权,

所以我冲到入境口岸

,看看我是否可以与我的委托人交谈。

CBP 官员
不仅不允许我与 Anna 交谈,

而且他们甚至不会告诉我
她是否在场。

我从一个主管到另一个主管,

乞求提交
安娜儿子特殊需要的证据,

但没有人
愿意和我谈论这个案子。

看着购物者

在生死攸关的情况下闲逛,感觉超现实。


被 CBP 阻挠了几个小时后,

我离开了。

几天后,

我在寄养系统中找到了安娜的儿子

但直到一个多星期后,我才知道安娜发生了什么事

当时她出现
在以东几英里的拘留营。

现在,安娜没有犯罪记录

,她在
申请庇护时也遵守了法律。

尽管如此,移民官员
仍将她关押了三个月,

直到我们能够让她获释

并帮助她与儿子团聚。

安娜的故事不是
我能告诉你的唯一故事。

有一个 18 个月大的男孩 Mateo,

他被从父亲的怀里扯下来

,送到了
数千英里外的政府收容所,

在那里他们几个月都没有
给他适当的洗澡。

Amadou,

一个无人陪伴的非洲儿童,

与成年人一起
在 CBP 可怕的设施中被关押了 28 天。

最令人不安的是,怀孕的难民玛丽亚(Maria)

在 CBP 羁押期间流产前八小时恳求就医。

CBP 官员又将她关押
了三周,

然后才将她送回墨西哥,

在那里她被迫等待数月

才能在美国举行庇护听证会
。 日复一日地

看到这些恐怖事件
改变了我。

我曾经在聚会上很有趣,

但现在,我不可避免地
发现自己

告诉人们我们的政府如何
在边境

和拘留营折磨难民。

现在,人们试图转移话题

并祝贺
我在帮助像安娜这样的人方面所做的出色工作。

但我不知道
如何让他们明白

,除非他们开始战斗,
比他们想象的更努力,否则

我们不知道我们中的
谁将成为下一个遭受安娜命运的人。

特朗普在南部边境大规模
分离难民家庭

震惊了世界的良心,也让

许多人意识到
美国移民制度的残酷。

似乎今天,

参与争取移民权利的人比以往任何时候都多

但不幸的是,情况
并没有好转。

数千人
抗议结束家庭分离,

但政府
仍在分离家庭。 自 2018 年 6 月以来,

已有 900 多名儿童
从他们的父母身边被带走

。还有

数千名难民儿童
从边境的祖父母、

兄弟姐妹和其他
家庭成员那里被带走。

自 2017 年以来,

至少有两打人
在移民拘留期间死亡。

更多的人会死去,包括儿童。

现在,我们律师可以
并将继续提起诉讼,

以阻止
政府残暴对待我们的客户,

但如果我们希望移民得到人道待遇,我们就不能一直
在法律的边缘修修补补

这届政府会让你
相信我们必须分开家庭

,我们必须拘留儿童,

因为这将阻止更多
难民进入我们的边界。

但我们知道这不是真的。

事实上,在 2019 年,

我们南部边境的担忧

人数实际上有所增加。

我们
每天都在边境告诉人们,

“如果你在美国寻求庇护,

你就有家庭分离的

风险,你有被无限期拘留的风险。”

但对他们中的许多人来说
,替代方案更糟。

人们
出于许多不同的原因在美国寻求庇护。

在蒂华纳,我们遇到了
来自 50 多个国家、

讲 14 种不同语言的难民。

我们遇到了
来自世界各地的 LGBT 移民,

他们从未到过
一个让他们感到安全的国家。

我们遇到来自世界各地的女性,她们

的政府
拒绝保护她们

免受残酷的家庭暴力
或压制性的社会规范。

当然,我们会遇到

逃离帮派暴力的中美洲家庭。

但我们也会遇到俄罗斯持不同政见者、

委内瑞拉活动家、

中国基督徒、中国穆斯林,

以及成千上万

逃离
各种迫害和酷刑的其他难民。

现在,根据国际法律定义,这些人中的许多人
将有资格成为难民

《难民公约》
是在二战后制定的,

旨在保护因

种族、宗教、
国籍、政治观点


特定社会群体成员身份而逃离迫害的人。

但即使是
根据国际定义成为难民的人

也不会在美国获得庇护

那是因为自 2017 年以来

,美国司法部长
对庇护法进行了彻底的修改,

以确保更少的人有资格
在美国获得保护。

现在这些法律主要
针对中美洲人

并将他们拒之门外,

但它们也影响其他类型
的难民。

结果是美国
经常将难民驱逐

到他们的迫害和死亡。

美国还利用拘留
来阻止难民

,让他们
更难赢得官司。

今天,有超过 55,000 名移民
被拘留在美国,

其中许多人被关押在偏远的拘留所,

远离任何类型的法律帮助。

这是非常重要的。

因为这是
民事而非刑事拘留,

没有公设辩护人制度,

所以大多数被拘留的
移民不会有律师

来帮助他们处理案件。

有律师的移民胜诉的可能性是没有律师的移民

的 10 倍

正如你所看到的,我
讨厌成为坏消息的传播者,


今天难民家庭的情况

比家庭分离期间更糟。

自 2019 年 1 月以来

,美国实施了一项政策

,迫使 40,000 多名难民
在墨西哥

等待美国的庇护听证会。

这些难民,其中许多是家人

,被困在世界上一些最
危险的城市,

在那里他们被犯罪集团强奸、绑架

和勒索。

如果他们能够存活足够长的时间
来参加庇护听证会,

那么只有不到 1% 的
人能够找到律师

来帮助他们处理案件。

美国政府会
指出最低的庇护批准率

来辩称这些人
不是真正的难民,

而事实上,美国的庇护法

旨在让他们失败的障碍课程。

现在并非
边境的每个移民都是难民。

我遇到了很多经济移民。

例如,
想去美国工作、

为父母支付医疗费用

或为回家的孩子支付学费的人。

我也越来越多地遇到
气候难民。

特别是,我遇到
了很多中美洲原住民

由于该地区的灾难性干旱,他们无法再通过农业维持生计。

我们知道,今天,由于气候变化,

人们正在迁移

,而且未来还会有更多人迁移,

但我们根本没有法律体系
来处理此类迁移。

因此,作为一个开始,

将难民定义扩大

到包括气候难民是有道理的。

但是我们这些
能够倡导这些改变的人

正忙于起诉我们的政府,

以保持
难民在现行法律下享有的微薄的法律保护。

我们已经筋疲力尽了

,现在提供帮助几乎为时已晚。

我们现在

知道这不仅仅是美国的问题。

从澳大利亚残酷的
海上拘留营

到意大利将援助
在地中海溺水的移民定为犯罪,

第一世界国家
已经

竭尽全力阻止难民到达我们的海岸。

但他们所做的
不仅仅是限制难民的定义。

他们创建了平行的
法西斯式法律体系

,其中移民没有
构成民主基础的权利,所谓的民主

是他们寻求庇护的国家的基础。

历史告诉我们,第

一个被诽谤和
剥夺权利的群体很少是最后一个

,许多美国人和欧洲人

似乎接受了
针对非公民的不透明和不公正的法律体系,

因为他们认为自己是免疫的。

但最终,

这些威权主义理想
也会流血并影响公民。

当美国政府因我在边境帮助移民的工作而将我
列入非法观察名单

时,我就亲身了解了这一点

2019 年 1 月的一天,

我离开圣地亚哥的办公室

,越过边境
回到我在墨西哥的家。

墨西哥官员虽然
给了我有效签证,却

拦住了我,
告诉我不能入境,

因为外国政府
在我的护照上设置了旅行警告,

将我
列为国家安全风险。


在一个肮脏的房间里被拘留和审讯了几个小时。

我请求墨西哥

官员让我回
墨西哥接我

当时只有 10 个月大的儿子。

但他们拒绝了

,相反,他们把我交给
了 CBP 官员,

在那里我被迫
返回美国。

我花了几个星期才拿到另一个签证,
这样我就可以回到墨西哥了

,我拿着签证去了边境。

但又一次,我被拘留和审讯,

因为
我的护照上还有旅行警告。

不久之后,

泄露的 CBP 内部文件

证实,我自己的

政府同谋发布
了针对我的旅行警报。

从那以后,我没有
去过任何其他国家,

因为我担心我也会被

这些国家拘留和驱逐出境。

这些旅行限制、拘留

和与我年幼的儿子分开

是我从未想过
作为美国公民会经历的事情,

但我远不是唯一一个
因帮助移民而被定罪的人。

美国和其他国家
已将拯救生命定为犯罪,

而我们这些
只想做好自己工作的

人正被迫
在人性和自由之间做出选择。

而让我如此绝望的

是,你们所有人
都面临着同样的选择,

但你们还不明白。

我知道
那里有好人。

我在街上看到成千上万的你们,

抗议家庭分离。

这在很大程度上帮助
结束了官方政策。

但我们知道,政府
仍在隔离儿童。

事情实际上正在变得更糟。

今天,美国政府
正在争取

将难民儿童
无限期关押在监狱集中营的权利。

这还没有结束。

我们不能让
自己麻木或移开视线。

我们这些国家的公民,

其政策导致拘留、
分离和死亡,

需要非常迅速地决定
我们站在哪一边。

我们需要要求我们的法律尊重
所有人的固有尊严,

尤其是
在我们边境寻求帮助的难民,

但包括经济移民
和气候难民。

我们需要
要求难民

在我们国家寻求保护时获得公平

的机会,确保他们有
机会进入理事会,

并建立

不受总统政治异想天开的独立法庭。

I know it’s overwhelming,

and I know this sounds cliché, but …

we need to call
our elected representatives

and demand these changes.

我知道你以前听过这个,

但你打过电话吗?

我们知道这些电话会有所作为。

第一世界国家正在建立的反乌托邦移民制度是

对公民的考验,

看看你
愿意让政府

在多大程度上剥夺其他人的权利
,而你认为这不会发生在你身上。

但是当你让政府
在没有正当程序的情况下带走人们的孩子

并无限期地拘留人们
而无法进入议会时,

你就没有通过测试。

现在发生在移民身上的事情

是如果我们不采取行动,我们将走向何方的预演

谢谢你。

(掌声)