Are all of your memories real Daniel L. Schacter

In a study in the 1990s,

participants recalled getting lost
in a shopping mall as children.

Some shared these memories
in vivid detail—

one even remembered that the old man
who rescued him

was wearing a flannel shirt.

But none of these people
had actually gotten lost in a mall.

They produced these false memories

when the psychologists conducting
the study told them they’d gotten lost,

and although they might not remember
the incident,

their parents had confirmed it.

And it wasn’t just one or two people
who thought they remembered getting lost—

a quarter of the participants did.

These findings may sound unbelievable,

but they actually reflect
a very common experience.

Our memories are sometimes unreliable.

And though we still don’t know precisely
what causes this fallibility

on a neurological level,

research has highlighted some
of the most common ways our memories

diverge from what actually happened.

The mall study highlights how we can
incorporate information

from outside sources,

like other people or the news,

into our personal recollections
without realizing it.

This kind of suggestibility is just
one influence on our memories.

Take another study,

in which researchers briefly showed
a random collection of photographs

to a group of participants,

including images of a university campus
none of them had ever visited.

When shown the images three weeks later,

a majority of participants said
that they had probably or definitely

visited the campus in the past.

The participants misattributed information
from one context— an image they’d seen—

onto another— a memory of something
they believed they actually experienced.

In another experiment, people were shown
an image of a magnifying glass,

and then told to imagine a lollipop.

They frequently recalled that they saw
the magnifying glass and the lollipop.

They struggled to link the objects
to the correct context—

whether they actually saw them,
or simply imagined them.

Another study, where a psychologist
questioned over 2,000 people

on their views about the legalization
of marijuana,

highlights yet another kind
of influence on memory.

Participants answered questions
in 1973 and 1982.

Those who said they had supported
marijuana legalization in 1973,

but reported they were against it in 1982,

were more likely to recall that they were
actually against legalization in 1973—

bringing their old views in line
with their current ones.

Our current opinions,
feelings, and experiences

can bias our memories
of how we felt in the past.

In another study,

researchers gave two groups
of participants background information

on a historical war and asked them to rate
the likelihood that each side would win.

They gave each group the same information,

except that they only told one group
who had actually won the war—

the other group didn’t know
the real world outcome.

In theory, both groups’ answers
should be similar,

because the likelihood
of each side winning

isn’t effected by who actually won—

if there’s a 20% chance of thunderstorms,
and a thunderstorm happens,

the chance of thunderstorms
doesn’t retroactively go up to 100%.

Still, the group that knew
how the war ended

rated the winning side as more likely
to win than the group who did not.

All of these fallibilities of memory
can have real-world impacts.

If police interrogations use leading
questions with eye witnesses or suspects,

suggestibility could result in incorrect
identifications or unreliable confessions.

Even in the absence of leading questions,

misattribution can lead to inaccurate
eyewitness testimony.

In a courtroom,

if a judge rules a piece of evidence
inadmissible

and tells jurors to disregard it,
they may not be able to do so.

In a medical setting, if a patient
seeks a second opinion

and the second physician is aware
of the first one’s diagnosis,

that knowledge may bias their conclusion.

Our memories are not ironclad
representations of reality,

but subjective perceptions.

And there’s not necessarily
anything wrong with that—

the problems arise when we treat
memory as fact,

rather than accepting
this fundamental truth

about the nature of our recollections.

在 1990 年代的一项研究中,

参与者回忆起孩提时代
在购物中心迷路的情景。

一些人生动地分享了这些记忆——

甚至有人记得
救他

的老人穿着一件法兰绒衬衫。

但这些人中没有一个人
真的在商场里迷路了。

当进行
这项研究的心理学家告诉他们他们迷路时,他们产生了这些错误的记忆

,虽然他们可能不记得
这件事,但

他们的父母已经证实了这一点。

不只是一两个
人认为他们记得迷路

了——四分之一的参与者记得。

这些发现可能听起来令人难以置信,

但它们实际上反映
了一种非常普遍的经历。

我们的记忆有时是不可靠的。

尽管我们仍然不知道在神经学
层面上导致这种错误的确切原因

,但

研究已经强调了
我们的记忆

与实际发生的事情发生分歧的一些最常见的方式。

商场研究强调了我们如何

在没有意识到的情况下将来自外部来源的信息(

如其他人或新闻)

整合到我们的个人回忆
中。

这种暗示性只是
对我们记忆的一种影响。

以另一项研究

为例,研究人员向一组参与者简要展示
了随机收集的照片

其中包括他们从未访问过的大学校园的图像

三周后,当看到这些图片时,

大多数参与者
表示他们过去可能或肯定

曾参观过校园。

参与者将
来自一种背景的信息——他们看到的图像——错误地归因于另一种——

他们认为自己实际经历过的事情的记忆。

在另一个实验中,人们看到
放大镜的图像,

然后让他们想象一个棒棒糖。

他们经常回忆起他们看到
了放大镜和棒棒糖。

他们努力将这些对象
与正确的上下文联系起来——

无论他们是真的看到它们,
还是只是想象它们。

在另一项研究中,一位心理学家
询问了 2000 多人

对大麻合法化的看法

强调了另一种
对记忆的影响。

参与者
在 1973 年和 1982 年回答了问题。

那些说他们
在 1973 年支持大麻合法化,

但在 1982 年报告他们反对大麻合法化的人,

更有可能回忆起他们
实际上在 1973 年反对大麻合法化——

使他们的旧观点
与他们的观点一致。 当前的。

我们当前的观点、
感受和经历


影响我们对过去感受的记忆。

在另一项研究中,

研究人员向
两组参与者提供

了一场历史战争的背景信息,并要求他们评估
双方获胜的可能性。

他们给每个小组提供了相同的信息,

只是他们只告诉了一个
真正赢得战争

的小组——另一组不
知道真实世界的结果。

理论上,两组的答案
应该是相似的,

因为
每一方获胜的

可能性不受谁实际获胜的影响——

如果有 20% 的可能性发生雷暴,
并且发生了雷暴,那么

雷暴的机会
不会追溯过去 高达 100%。

尽管如此,
知道战争如何结束的那一组

认为获胜的一方
比不知道的那一组更有可能获胜。

所有这些记忆错误
都会对现实世界产生影响。

如果警方
审讯对目击证人或嫌疑人使用引导性问题,

暗示性可能会导致错误的
识别或不可靠的供词。

即使没有引导性问题,

错误归因也可能导致
目击者证词不准确。

在法庭上,

如果法官裁定某项
证据不可采信

并告诉陪审员不予理会,
他们可能无法这样做。

在医疗环境中,如果患者
寻求第二个意见

,而第二个医生
知道第一个医生的诊断,

那么这种知识可能会影响他们的结论。

我们的记忆不是
对现实的铁定表现,

而是主观感知。

这并不一定
有什么问题——

当我们将
记忆视为事实时,问题就出现了,

而不是接受
这个

关于我们回忆本质的基本真理。