Social Services Are Broken. How We Can Fix Them Hilary Cottam TED.com

I want to tell you three stories

about the power of relationships

to solve the deep and complex
social problems of this century.

You know, sometimes it seems
like all these problems

of poverty, inequality, ill health,
unemployment, violence, addiction –

they’re right there in one person’s life.

So I want to tell you about someone
like this that I know.

I’m going to call her Ella.

Ella lives in a British city
on a run down estate.

The shops are closed, the pub’s gone,

the playground’s pretty desolate
and never used,

and inside Ella’s house,
the tension is palpable

and the noise levels are deafening.

The TV’s on at full volume.

One of her sons is fighting
with one of her daughters.

Another son, Ryan, is keeping up this
constant stream of abuse from the kitchen,

and the dogs are locked
behind the bedroom door and straining.

Ella is stuck.

She has lived with crisis for 40 years.

She knows nothing else,
and she knows no way out.

She’s had a whole series
of abusive partners,

and, tragically, one of her children has
been taken into care by social services.

The three children
that still live with her

suffer from a whole range of problems,
and none of them are in education.

And Ella says to me that she
is repeating the cycle

of her own mother’s life before her.

But when I met Ella,
there were 73 different services

on offer for her and her family
in the city where she lives,

73 different services
run out of 24 departments in one city,

and Ella and her partners and her children
were known to most of them.

They think nothing of calling
social services

to try and mediate one of the many
arguments that broke out.

And the family home was visited
on a regular basis by social workers,

youth workers, a health officer,
a housing officer, a home tutor

and the local policemen.

And the governments say
that there are 100,000 families

in Britain today like Ella’s,

struggling to break the cycle of economic,
social and environmental deprivation.

And they also say
that managing this problem

costs a quarter of a million pounds
per family per year

and yet nothing changes.

None of these well-meaning visitors
are making a difference.

This is a chart we made in the same city
with another family like Ella’s.

This shows 30 years of intervention
in that family’s life.

And just as with Ella, not one of these
interventions is part of an overall plan.

There’s no end goal in sight.

None of the interventions
are dealing with the underlying issues.

These are just containment measures,
ways of managing a problem.

One of the policemen says to me,

“Look, I just deliver the message
and then I leave.”

So, I’ve spent time living
with families like Ella’s

in different parts of the world,

because I want to know: what can we learn

from places where our social institutions
just aren’t working?

I want to know what it feels like
to live in Ella’s family.

I want to know what’s going on
and what we can do differently.

Well, the first thing I learned
is that cost is a really slippery concept.

Because when the government says
that a family like Ella’s

costs a quarter of a million pounds
a year to manage,

what it really means

is that this system costs
a quarter of a million pounds a year.

Because not one penny of this money
actually touches Ella’s family

in a way that makes a difference.

Instead, the system is just
like this costly gyroscope

that spins around the families,
keeping them stuck at its heart,

exactly where they are.

And I also spent time
with the frontline workers,

and I learned that it
is an impossible situation.

So Tom, who is the social worker
for Ella’s 14-year-old son Ryan,

has to spend 86 percent of his time
servicing the system:

meetings with colleagues,
filling out forms,

more meetings with colleagues
to discuss the forms,

and maybe most shockingly,

the 14 percent of the time
he has to be with Ryan

is spent getting data
and information for the system.

So he says to Ryan,

“How often have you been smoking?
Have you been drinking?

When did you go to school?”

And this kind of interaction
rules out the possibility

of a normal conversation.

It rules out the possibility
of what’s needed

to build a relationship
between Tom and Ryan.

When we made this chart,

the frontline workers,
the professionals –

they stared at it absolutely amazed.

It snaked around the walls
of their offices.

So many hours, so well meant,
but ultimately so futile.

And there was this moment
of absolute breakdown,

and then of clarity:

we had to work in a different way.

So in a really brave step,
the leaders of the city where Ella lives

agreed that we could start
by reversing Ryan’s ratio.

So everyone who came into contact
with Ella or a family like Ella’s

would spend 80 percent of their time
working with the families

and only 20 percent servicing the system.

And even more radically,

the families would lead

and they would decide who
was in a best position to help them.

So Ella and another mother were asked
to be part of an interview panel,

to choose from amongst
the existing professionals

who would work with them.

And many, many people wanted to join us,

because you don’t go into this kind
of work to manage a system,

you go in because you can
and you want to make a difference.

So Ella and the mother asked
everybody who came through the door,

“What will you do when my son
starts kicking me?”

And so the first person who comes in says,

“Well, I’ll look around
for the nearest exit

and I will back out very slowly,

and if the noise is still going on,
I’ll call my supervisor.”

And the mothers go,
“You’re the system. Get out of here!”

And then the next person who comes
is a policeman, and he says,

“Well, I’ll tackle your son to the ground
and then I’m not sure what I’ll do.”

And the mothers say, “Thank you.”

So, they chose professionals who confessed

they didn’t necessarily have the answers,

who said – well, they weren’t
going to talk in jargon.

They showed their human qualities
and convinced the mothers

that they would stick with them
through thick and thin,

even though they wouldn’t
be soft with them.

So these new teams and the families

were then given a sliver
of the former budget,

but they could spend the money
in any way they chose.

And so one of the families
went out for supper.

They went to McDonald’s and they sat down
and they talked and they listened

for the first time in a long time.

Another family asked the team

if they would help them do up their home.

And one mother took the money

and she used it as a float
to start a social enterprise.

And in a really short space of time,

something new started to grow:

a relationship between the team
and the workers.

And then some remarkable
changes took place.

Maybe it’s not surprising

that the journey for Ella has had
some big steps backwards

as well as forwards.

But today, she’s completed
an IT training course,

she has her first paid job,
her children are back in school,

and the neighbors,

who previously just hoped this family
would be moved anywhere

except next door to them,

are fine.

They’ve made some new friendships.

And all the same people have been
involved in this transformation –

same families, same workers.

But the relationship between them
has been supported to change.

So I’m telling you about Ella
because I think that relationships

are the critical resource we have

in solving some of these
intractable problems.

But today, our relationships
are all but written off

by our politics, our social policies,
our welfare institutions.

And I’ve learned that this
really has to change.

So what do I mean by relationships?

I’m talking about the simple
human bonds between us,

a kind of authentic sense
of connection, of belonging,

the bonds that make us happy,
that support us to change,

to be brave like Ella
and try something new.

And, you know, it’s no accident

that those who run and work
in the institutions

that are supposed to support
Ella and her family

don’t talk about relationships,

because relationships are expressly
designed out of a welfare model

that was drawn up in Britain
and exported around the world.

The contemporaries of William Beveridge,

who was the architect
of the first welfare state

and the author of the Beveridge Report,

had little faith in what they called
the average sensual or emotional man.

Instead, they trusted this idea
of the impersonal system

and the bureaucrat who would be detached
and work in this system.

And the impact of Beveridge

on the way the modern state
sees social issues

just can’t be underestimated.

The Beveridge Report
sold over 100,000 copies

in the first weeks of publication alone.

People queued in the rain
on a November night to get hold of a copy,

and it was read across the country,
across the colonies, across Europe,

across the United States of America,

and it had this huge impact

on the way that welfare states
were designed around the globe.

The cultures, the bureaucracies,
the institutions – they are global,

and they’ve come to seem
like common sense.

They’ve become so ingrained in us,

that actually we don’t even
see them anymore.

And I think it’s really important to say
that in the 20th century,

they were remarkably successful,
these institutions.

They led to longer lifespans,
the eradication of mass disease,

mass housing, almost universal education.

But at the same time,

Beveridge sowed the seeds
of today’s challenges.

So let me tell you a second story.

What do you think today is a bigger killer
than a lifetime of smoking?

It’s loneliness.

According to government statistics,
one person over 60 – one in three –

doesn’t speak to or see
another person in a week.

One person in 10, that’s 850,000 people,

doesn’t speak to anyone else in a month.

And we’re not the only people
with this problem;

this problem touches the whole
of the Western world.

And it’s even more acute
in countries like China,

where a process of rapid urbanization,
mass migration, has left older people

alone in the villages.

And so the services that Beveridge
designed and exported –

they can’t address this kind of problem.

Loneliness is like a collective
relational challenge,

and it can’t be addressed
by a traditional bureaucratic response.

So some years ago,
wanting to understand this problem,

I started to work with a group
of about 60 older people

in South London, where I live.

I went shopping, I played bingo,

but mainly I was just
observing and listening.

I wanted to know
what we could do differently.

And if you ask them, people tell you
they want two things.

They want somebody to go up a ladder
and change a light bulb,

or to be there when they
come out of hospital.

They want on-demand, practical support.

And they want to have fun.

They want to go out, do interesting things
with like-minded people,

and make friends like we’ve all
made friends at every stage of our lives.

So we rented a phone line,
hired a couple of handymen,

and started a service we called “Circle.”

And Circle offers its local membership
a toll-free 0 800 number

that they can call on demand
for any support.

And people have called us
for so many reasons.

They’ve called because
their pets are unwell,

their DVD is broken, they’ve forgotten
how to use their mobile phone,

or maybe they are coming out of hospital

and they want someone to be there.

And Circle also offers
a rich social calendar –

knitting, darts, museum tours,
hot air ballooning – you name it.

But here’s the interesting thing,
the really deep change:

over time, the friendships
that have formed

have begun to replace the practical offer.

So let me tell you about Belinda.

Belinda’s a Circle member, and she was
going into hospital for a hip operation,

so she called her local Circle to say
they wouldn’t see her for a bit.

And Damon, who runs the local Circle,
calls her back and says, “How can I help?”

And Belinda says, “Oh no, I’m fine –

Jocelyn is doing the shopping,
Tony’s doing the gardening,

Melissa and Joe are going
to come in and cook and chat.”

So five Circle members
had organized themselves

to take care of Belinda.

And Belinda’s 80, although she says
that she feels 25 inside,

but she also says

that she felt stuck and pretty down
when she joined Circle.

But the simple act of encouraging her
to come along to that first event

led to a process where
natural friendships formed,

friendships that today are replacing
the need for expensive services.

It’s relationships
that are making the difference.

So I think that three factors
have converged

that enable us to put relationships
at the heart and center

of how we solve social problems today.

Firstly, the nature of the problems –

they’ve changed, and they require
different solutions.

Secondly, the cost, human as much
as financial, of doing business as usual.

And thirdly, technology.

I’ve talked about the first two factors.

It’s technology that enables
these approaches to scale

and potentially now support
thousands of people.

So the technology we’ve used
is really simple,

it’s made up of available things
like databases, mobile phones.

Circle has got this very simple
system that underpins it,

enables a small local team to support
a membership of up to a thousand.

And you can contrast this
with a neighborhood organization

of the 1970s,

when this kind of scale
just wasn’t possible,

neither was the quality or the longevity
that the spine of technology can provide.

So it’s relationships
underpinned by technology

that can turn the Beveridge
models on their heads.

The Beveridge models are all
about institutions with finite resources,

anonymously managing access.

In my work at the front line,

I’ve seen again and again how
up to 80 percent of resource

is spent keeping people out.

So professionals have to administer

these increasingly complex forms
of administration

that are basically about stopping people
accessing the service

or managing the queue.

And Circle, like the relational services
that we and others have designed,

inverts this logic.

What it says is, the more people,
the more relationships,

the stronger the solution.

So I want to tell you my third
and final story,

which is about unemployment.

In Britain, as in most places
in the world,

our welfare states were primarily designed

to get people into work,

to educate them for this,

and to keep them healthy.

But here, too, the systems are failing.

And so the response has been

to try and make these old systems
even more efficient and transactional –

to speed up processing times, divide
people into ever-smaller categories,

try and target services at them
more efficiently – in other words,

the very opposite of relational.

But guess how most people find work today?

Through word of mouth.

It turns out that in Britain today,
most new jobs are not advertised.

So it’s friends that tell you about a job,

it’s friends that recommend you for a job,

and it’s a rich and diverse social network
that helps you find work.

Maybe some of you here
this evening are thinking,

“But I found my job through an advert,”

but if you think back, it was probably
a friend that showed you the ad

and then encouraged you to apply.

But not surprisingly,

people who perhaps most need
this rich and diverse network

are those who are most isolated from it.

So knowing this,

and also knowing about the costs
and failure of current systems,

we designed something new
with relationships at its heart.

We designed a service
that encourages people to meet up,

people in and out of work,

to work together in structured ways

and try new opportunities.

And, well, it’s very hard to compare
the results of these new systems

with the old transactional models,

but it looks like,
with our first 1,000 members,

we outperformed existing services
by a factor of three,

at a fraction of the cost.

And here, too, we’ve used technology,

but not to network people in the way
that a social platform would do.

We’ve used it to bring people face to face
and connect them with each other,

building real relationships
and supporting people to find work.

At the end of his life, in 1948,

Beveridge wrote a third report.

And in it he said he had made
a dreadful mistake.

He had left people
and their communities out.

And this omission, he said,
led to seeing people,

and people starting to see themselves,

within the categories
of the bureaucracies and the institutions.

And human relationships
were already withering.

But unfortunately, this third report
was much less read

than Beveridge’s earlier work.

But today, we need to bring people
and their communities

back into the heart of the way
we design new systems and new services,

in an approach that I call
“Relational Welfare.”

We need to leave behind
these old, transactional,

unsuitable, outdated models,

and we need to adopt instead
the shared collective relational responses

that can support a family like Ella’s,

that can address an issue like loneliness,

that can support people into work
and up the skills curve

in a modern labor market,

that can also address challenges
of education, of health care systems,

and so many more of those problems
that are pressing on our societies.

It is all about relationships.

Relationships are the critical
resource we have.

Thank you.

(Applause)

我想告诉你三个

关于人际关系

在解决本世纪深刻而复杂的
社会问题方面的力量的故事。

你知道,有时
看起来所有这些问题

,如贫困、不平等、健康不佳、
失业、暴力、成瘾——

它们就在一个人的生活中。

所以我想告诉你
我认识的一个这样的人。

我会叫她艾拉。

艾拉住在英国
一座破败的庄园里。

商店关门了,酒吧不见了

,操场相当荒凉
,从未使用过,

而在 Ella 的房子里
,紧张感显而易见

,噪音震耳欲聋。

电视以最大音量打开。

她的一个儿子正在
和她的一个女儿打架。

另一个儿子瑞恩(Ryan)
在厨房里不断地虐待

,狗被锁
在卧室门后面并且紧张。

艾拉被卡住了。

她在危机中生活了40年。

她什么都不
知道,她也没有出路。

她有
一系列虐待伴侣

,可悲的是,她的一个孩子已
被社会服务机构照顾。

仍然和她一起生活的三个孩子

面临着各种各样的问题
,他们都没有接受教育。

艾拉对我说,她
正在重复

她自己母亲的生命周期。

但是当我遇到 Ella 时,

她所在的城市为她和她的家人提供了

73 种不同的
服务,一个城市的 24 个部门提供了 73 种不同的服务,

而 Ella 和她的伴侣以及她的孩子
是大多数人都知道的。 他们。

他们认为调用
社会服务

来试图调解爆发的众多
争论之一。

社会工作者、

青年工作者、卫生官员
、住房官员、家庭教师

和当地警察定期访问家庭住宅。

政府表示
,如今英国有 100,000 个

家庭像 Ella 一样,

正在努力打破经济、
社会和环境剥夺的循环。

他们还说
,解决这个问题每个家庭每年要

花费 25 万英镑

,但没有任何改变。

这些善意的访客
都没有发挥作用。

这是我们在同一个城市
与另一个像 Ella 一样的家庭制作的图表。

这显示了
对那个家庭生活的 30 年干预。

就像 Ella 一样,这些
干预措施都不是整体计划的一部分。

看不到最终目标。

没有任何干预
措施涉及根本问题。

这些只是遏制措施,
管理问题的方法。

一名警察对我说:

“看,我只是传递信息
然后离开。”

所以,我花了很多时间
和像 Ella 这样的家庭生活

在世界不同的地方,

因为我想知道:我们可以

从我们的社会
机构不起作用的地方学到什么?

我想知道
住在艾拉家是什么感觉。

我想知道发生
了什么以及我们可以做些什么不同的事情。

嗯,我学到的第一件事
是成本是一个非常模糊的概念。

因为当政府说
像 Ella 这样的家庭每年要

花费 25 万
英镑来管理

时,真正的意思

是这个系统每年要
花费 25 万英镑。

因为这笔钱中没有一分钱
真正以一种有所作为的方式接触到艾拉的家人

相反,该系统
就像一个昂贵的陀螺

仪,围绕着家庭旋转,
让他们牢牢地停留在它的中心,就

在他们所在的地方。

而且我还和一线工人一起度过了一段时间

,我了解到这
是一个不可能的情况。

因此,身为
Ella 14 岁儿子 Ryan 的社会工作者的 Tom

不得不花费 86% 的时间来
维护系统:

与同事会面、
填写表格、

与同事开更多会
讨论表格

,也许大多数 令人震惊的是,他与 Ryan 在一起

的 14% 时间

都花在了获取系统的数据
和信息上。

于是他对瑞恩说:

“你多久抽烟一次?
你喝酒了吗?你

什么时候上学的?”

而这种互动

排除了正常对话的可能性。

它排除了

在汤姆和瑞恩之间建立关系所需的可能性。

当我们制作这张图表时

,一线工作人员
、专业人士——

他们盯着它看,绝对是吃惊的。

它在
他们办公室的墙壁上盘旋。

这么多小时,这么好意思,
但最终如此徒劳。


一个绝对崩溃的时刻,

然后是清晰的:

我们必须以不同的方式工作。

因此
,Ella 居住的城市的领导人非常勇敢地

同意我们可以
从扭转 Ryan 的比例开始。

因此,
与 Ella 或像 Ella 一样的家庭接触的每个人

都会花费 80% 的时间
与家人一起工作,

而只有 20% 的时间用于维护系统。

更激进的是

,家庭将带头

,他们将决定
谁最适合帮助他们。

因此,Ella 和另一位母亲被要求
参加面试小组,


现有的

与他们一起工作的专业人士中进行选择。

很多很多人想加入我们,

因为你不是
为了管理系统而从事这种工作,

你加入是因为你可以
并且你想有所作为。

于是艾拉和妈妈问
每个进门的人:

“当我儿子开始踢我时,你会怎么做
?”

所以第一个进来的人说,

“好吧,我会四处
寻找最近的出口,

然后我会非常缓慢地退出

,如果噪音还在继续,
我会打电话给我的主管。”

妈妈们说:
“你就是系统。离开这里!”

然后下一个来的人
是警察,他说,

“好吧,我会把你儿子打倒在地
,然后我不知道我会做什么。”

妈妈们说:“谢谢。”

所以,他们选择了承认

他们不一定有答案的专业人士,

他们说——好吧,他们
不会用行话说话。

他们展示了他们的人性,
并说服母亲


即使他们
不会对他们软弱,他们也会坚持下去。

因此,这些新团队和

家庭获得
了之前预算的一小部分,

但他们可以
以任何他们选择的方式花钱。

于是其中一个家庭
出去吃晚饭。

他们去了麦当劳,他们坐下来
,他们交谈,他们

很长时间以来第一次倾听。

另一个家庭询问团队

是否愿意帮助他们装修房屋。

一位母亲拿走了这笔钱

,她用它作为
花车创办了一家社会企业。

在很短的时间内,

一些新的东西开始出现:

团队和工人之间的关系

然后发生了一些显着的
变化。

也许

Ella 的旅程有
一些大的

倒退和前进,这并不奇怪。

但今天,她完成
了 IT 培训课程,

她有了第一份有薪工作,
她的孩子们重新上学,

而之前只是希望这个家庭
可以搬到任何地方,

除了隔壁的邻居们

都很好。

他们结交了一些新的友谊。

所有同样的人都
参与了这种转变——

同样的家庭,同样的工人。

但他们之间的关系
却得到了改变。

所以我告诉你艾拉
是因为我认为人际关系

我们解决其中一些
棘手问题的关键资源。

但是今天,我们的
关系几乎

被我们的政治、社会政策
和福利机构所抵消。

我了解到,这
真的必须改变。

那么我所说的关系是什么意思呢?

我说的
是我们之间简单的人类纽带,

一种真正
的联系感,归属感

,让我们快乐
,支持我们改变

,像艾拉一样勇敢
并尝试新事物的纽带。

而且,你知道,

那些在应该支持
艾拉和她的家人的机构中运行和工作的

人不谈论关系并不是偶然的,

因为关系是根据英国
制定的福利模式明确设计的,

并且 出口到世界各地。

威廉·贝弗里奇(William Beveridge)

是第一个福利国家

的缔造者,也是贝弗里奇报告的作者,他的同时代人

对他们所谓
的一般的肉欲或情绪化的人几乎没有信心。

相反,他们相信
这种非个人系统

和官僚的想法,他们会超然
并在这个系统中工作。

贝弗里奇

对现代国家
看待社会问题

的方式的影响不容小觑。

《贝弗里奇报告

》仅在出版的头几周就卖出了 100,000 多份。

11 月的一个晚上,人们冒着雨排队拿到一份副本

,它在全国、
整个殖民地、整个欧洲、

整个美利坚合众国都被阅读

,它对

福利国家的方式产生了巨大的影响
是在全球范围内设计的。

文化、官僚机构
、机构——它们是全球性的

,它们似乎已经成为
常识。

它们在我们身上变得如此根深蒂固

,实际上我们甚至
再也看不到它们了。

我认为非常重要的是
,在 20 世纪

,这些机构非常成功

它们带来了更长的寿命、
大规模疾病的根除、

大规模的住房以及几乎普及的教育。

但与此同时,

贝弗里奇播下
了今天挑战的种子。

那么让我告诉你第二个故事。

你认为今天比一生吸烟更大的杀手
是什么?

是孤独。

根据政府统计,
一个 60 岁以上的人(三分之一)在一周

内不与另一个人说话或见面

十分之一的人,也就是 850,000 人,

一个月内不与任何人交谈。

我们不是唯一
有这个问题的人;

这个问题涉及
整个西方世界。

在像中国这样的国家,这种情况更为严重,
在这些国家

,快速的城市化进程和
大规模的移民

让村里的老年人独自一人。

所以贝弗里奇
设计和输出的服务——

他们无法解决这类问题。

孤独就像一个集体的
关系挑战

,它不能通过
传统的官僚反应来解决。

所以几年前,
为了理解这个问题,

我开始

在我居住的伦敦南部与一群大约 60 名老年人一起工作。

我去购物,玩宾果游戏,

但主要是
观察和聆听。

我想
知道我们可以做些什么不同的事情。

如果你问他们,人们会告诉你
他们想要两件事。

他们希望有人上
梯子换灯泡,

或者出院时有人在场

他们需要按需提供的实际支持。

他们想玩得开心。

他们想出去,
和志同道合的人一起做有趣的事情

,结交朋友,就像
我们在人生的每个阶段都结交了朋友一样。

所以我们租了一条电话线,
雇了几个勤杂工

,开始了我们称之为“Circle”的服务。

Circle 为其当地会员提供了
一个免费的 0 800 号码

,他们可以根据需要拨打该号码以
获得任何支持。

人们打电话给我们
有很多原因。

他们打电话是因为
他们的宠物身体不适,

他们的 DVD 坏了,他们忘记了
如何使用他们的手机,

或者他们可能刚出院

,他们希望有人在场。

Circle 还提供
了丰富的社交日历——

针织、飞镖、博物馆之旅、
热气球——任你说。

但有趣的是
,真正深刻的变化是:

随着时间的推移
,已经形成

的友谊开始取代实际的提议。

所以让我告诉你关于贝琳达的事。

Belinda 是 Circle 的成员,她
要去医院做髋关节手术,

所以她打电话给当地的 Circle,说
他们暂时不会见到她。

经营当地 Circle 的 Damon
给她回了电话,说:“我能帮上什么忙吗?”

贝琳达说:“哦,不,我很好——

乔斯林在购物,
托尼在园艺,

梅丽莎和乔
要进来做饭聊天。”

所以五名圈子
成员组织

起来照顾贝琳达。

而贝琳达已经 80 岁了,虽然她
说她内心感觉 25 岁,

但她也说当她加入 Circle 时

,她感到很困,很沮丧

但是,鼓励
她参加第一个活动的简单行为

导致了一个
自然友谊形成的过程,这种

友谊今天正在
取代对昂贵服务的需求。


关系造成了不同。

因此,我认为三个
因素融合在一起

,使我们能够将关系置于

当今解决社会问题的核心和中心。

首先,问题的性质——

它们已经改变,它们需要
不同的解决方案。

其次
,照常开展业务的人力成本和财务成本。

第三,技术。

我已经谈到了前两个因素。

正是这项技术使
这些方法得以扩展

并可能支持
成千上万的人。

所以我们使用的技术
非常简单,

它由
数据库、手机等可用的东西组成。

Circle 拥有一个非常简单的
系统来支持它,

使一个小型本地团队能够支持
多达一千名成员。

你可以将其

1970 年代的社区组织进行对比,

当时这种
规模是不可能的,技术支柱

所能提供的质量或寿命
也是不可能的。

因此,
以技术为基础

的关系可以让 Beveridge 的
模型大吃一惊。

贝弗里奇模型都是
关于资源有限的机构,

匿名管理访问。

在我在前线的工作中,

我一次又一次地看到
高达 80% 的资源

是如何用于阻止人们进入的。

因此,专业人员必须管理

这些日益复杂
的管理形式

,基本上是关于阻止人们
访问服务

或管理队列。

而 Circle,就像
我们和其他人设计的关系服务一样,

颠倒了这种逻辑。

它说的是,人
越多,关系

越多,解决方案就越强。

所以我想告诉你我的第三个
也是最后一个故事

,关于失业。

在英国,就像在世界上大多数地方一样

我们的福利国家的主要目的

是让人们工作,

为此教育他们,

并保持他们的健康。

但在这里,系统也失败了。

因此,人们的反应是

尝试让这些旧系统
更加高效和事务处理

——加快处理时间,将
人们分成更小的类别,

尝试更有效地针对他们提供服务
——换句话说

,非常 与关系相反。

但是猜猜今天大多数人是如何找到工作的?

通过口耳相传。

事实证明,在今天的英国,
大多数新工作都没有广告。

所以是朋友告诉你一份工作

,是朋友向你推荐工作

,它是一个丰富多样的社交网络
,可以帮助你找到工作。 今晚

在座的一些人可能
会想,

“但我是通过广告找到工作的”,

但如果你回想一下,可能是
一位朋友向你展示了广告

,然后鼓励你申请。

但不足为奇的是,

也许最需要
这个丰富多样的网络的人

是那些与它最隔绝的人。

所以知道这一点

,也知道
当前系统的成本和故障,

我们设计了一些
以关系为核心的新东西。

我们设计了一项服务
,鼓励人们见面、

上班和下班、

以结构化的方式一起工作

并尝试新的机会。

而且,很难将
这些新系统的结果

与旧的事务模型进行比较,

但看起来,
在我们的前 1,000 名成员中,

我们的性能比现有服务
高出三倍,

而成本只是其中的一小部分。

在这里,我们也使用了技术,

但没有
像社交平台那样将人们联系起来。

我们用它来让人们面对面交流
并相互联系,

建立真正的关系
并支持人们找到工作。

1948 年,贝弗里奇在他生命的尽头

写了第三份报告。

他在信中说他犯
了一个可怕的错误。

他把人们
和他们的社区排除在外。

他说,这种疏忽
导致在官僚机构和机构的范畴内看到人们

,人们开始看到自己

人际关系已经枯萎。

但不幸的是,这第三份报告的
阅读量远

低于贝弗里奇早期的作品。

但是今天,我们需要让人们
和他们的社区

重新回到
我们设计新系统和新服务的核心

,我称之为
“关系福利”。

我们需要抛弃
这些陈旧的、事务性的、

不合适的、过时的模式

,我们需要采用
共同的集体关系回应

来支持像艾拉这样的家庭

,解决孤独这样的问题,

支持人们工作
和提升

现代劳动力市场中的技能曲线,

这也可以解决
教育、医疗保健系统

以及我们社会所面临的许多其他问题的挑战

这都是关于关系的。

关系是
我们拥有的关键资源。

谢谢你。

(掌声)