A history of integration how we address selfsegregation

Transcriber: Amanda Zhu
Reviewer: Rhonda Jacobs

Phil Klein: Hello, and welcome to
TEDxSeattle Community Conversations.

I’m your host, Phil Klein,

and I’m here today with Byron Burkhalter,

a sociologist and co-founder
of “Out of Privilege,”

an organization that helps people
in individual and corporate settings

do the hard work to recognize
the privileges afforded them

by the racism and white supremacy
systemic in our everyday lives.

Byron, welcome and thank you
for joining us today.

Byron Burkhalter :
Oh, thanks for having me, Phil.

PK: Thank you so much.
Yes, great to see you.

So, where would you like to start

in terms of thinking about
either the history or the background

of white supremacy and privilege

as we experience in everyday lives,
in the US or more broadly?

BB: So I think the place I would start
is right after World War II

and the generation
of soldiers coming back,

also coming into a time of the red scare,

and the way that the United States
was attempting to integrate their society

and live up to their values.

And I just want to mention
sort of two different ways of integrating.

One of them is what I would call
a sociological model

because the impact was the individual
in the world that they lived in.

So I would say that the suburbanization
that brought in Jewish Americans

and in the ’60s, mid-’60s,
brought in Asian Americans

was evidence of sort of
this sociological model.

And then secondly,

I would bring in a psychological model,

which is based on “Brown
versus the Board of Education,”

which I think has been
the overwhelming model

for integrating Black and brown people,
you know, originally into schools,

but now I think

this is the basis of the DEI models
that you find in corporate America.

And what I want to say, I think,
mostly is I think that that model,

now some 70 years old,

was a misstep, was the wrong way to go

and has repercussions

that has hurt the ability
to actually integrate our work spaces.

PK: Can you unpack that
a little bit for us?

How do you see that model playing out?

BB: So I want to say first off,

that the model was a translation

of what the plaintiffs
of Brown actually wanted.

They wanted the sociological model,

the ability to choose which environments
their kids went to school in

without regard to skin color.

But the court translated that
into a psychological model

and said, “Separate’s not equal,

because you are impairing
the minds of these Black children.”

And so the model
that comes out of Brown is

taking individual Black kids -

you know, in the visual
that you get of it,

it’s always sort of
that black and white photo

with the crowds yelling,

and the one kid going in
surrounded by police officers -

and you take them into a space,

and once you get them to that space,
you’ve effectively integrated.

Now, the thing about that is

the space itself has not really changed.

Nobody has asked the white students
in the school to do anything different.

The administrators
aren’t doing anything different.

The curriculum is not changed.

It’s simply getting
one individual into the space

that counts as integration.

That I think is problematic.

And it’s problematic for us today
as you try to retain -

or recruit and retain,

African Americans and Latinx people
into your organizations

without actually going
through any change yourself.

So part of what our organization
“Out of Privilege” does

is it tries to bring
in that sociological model,

where the people that are already there

have to change,

have to do the work to understand
themselves in a larger context.

PK: So to understand that,

in Board of Education versus Brown,

you had Black people
brought into the white schools, right?

And that was considered
a complete remedy as implemented,

whereas what I think I hear you saying

is that true integration

entails creating a space
where each participant -

Black, brown, Latin American, etc. -

is a full participant

and is recognized as a full participant

rather than being assimilated

or integrated in a superficial sense
into a white space.

And it keeps attention
off of details like,

Oh, there was an entire
police force and federal agents

that were involved
in the way that was implemented

to address the impairment of Black kids

in their lack of access
to white resources.

BB: Yeah, I think that’s exactly right.

And more importantly,
for our understandings of whiteness,

that idea of the privilege

that you get from being part
of the political group of white people

is that we didn’t understand
that those with the privilege

were active participants
in maintaining the privilege

and that until their actions changed,

until they did things differently,

that privilege, that difference,
that segregation

was never going to go away.

We made it

where as long as we nominally had
enough Black and brown bodies around us,

we were doing the work.

PK: And there’s this kind
of whiteful blindness

around the not only “invisible man,”
you know, in Ralph Ellison’s terms

is the way a Black man was experienced,

there’s the invisible white power

that is surrounding things
that white people choose not to see,

because it’s pervasive for them.

BB: That’s exactly right.

Now, and notice as we talk about this

how different it was
in the armed services, right?

through an executive order,
from Eisenhower, I believe.

Within 10 years,

you had made incredible progress

by having people live with each other,

train with each other,

fight with each other,

trust in each other with their very lives.

But instead, in the way
that we’ve taken the psychological model,

instead of seeing this
as a social operation,

it’s been an individual model.

And even to this day,

you get people going
through anti-bias training

as though it were the individual’s mind
that had to be altered,

and that there were
these slight behavioral changes

that an individual could make

that would create a neutral atmosphere.

In the meantime, so many of us
have lived in segregated neighborhoods,

so many of us have gone
to segregated schools,

segregated colleges and universities,

so many of us go to meetings every day
that are segregated

that we haven’t had the time
of actually living together,

which was the armed services model,

and so we don’t know
how to connect with each other.

We simply haven’t had
the hours doing that;

in fact, we’ve had the hours
disconnecting from each other,

looking for safer schools,
safer neighborhoods,

and whatever other coded language we need

in order to justify having no experience
with Black and brown people in our lives.

Without that change,

your anti-bias training
doesn’t teach you how to live with anyone.

PK: So, just to kind of capture this
because it’s so vital.

You’re saying, I think -

keep me honest here -

that in our military,

really, the instrument
for our patriotism as a nation

focused on an evolution of development,

systematically,

of a multi-racial national force

in its very architecture

whereas in education,

the system in segregation,

and even in some aspects
of systematic desegregation,

was reinforcing of a psychological model

rather than embracing
the kind of sociological model.

BB: That’s right.

And the psychological model to me

is naturally more useful
to maintaining white supremacy,

just like you said -

and I think what you brought up
is brilliant, right?

This is how we protect our democracy.

If you go back
and read the executive order,

it says almost exactly that, Phil -

that this is to protect our democracy.

Now, when we looked
at Brown versus the Board of Education,

this was to stop the damage
to Black and brown minds.

It wasn’t for all of us
that we were integrating the schools;

it was for them.

This was our largesse, our altruism.

But with the armed forces,
this was our very country,

this experiment was on the line,

and so by order, you will live together,

and that had its effect, right?

But when we look at it
from the psychological model,

the idea is that we’re helping them

with no sense of that white people,
people within that political party,

needed that for themselves.

Even now as we come together
as organizations,

why is this organization diversifying?

Do they see it
as part of their bottom line?

Do they see it as part of who they are?

Or is this just their largesse?

BB: Can you speak a little more

to what you see as how companies

can and are or could or should
apply this thinking

in the way they start to look
at diversity and inclusion and equity?

So what I would say
is at the beginning of this,

each person would have
to understand themselves

in this racial context.

Each of us would have
to understand ourselves,

not in terms of our attitudes
or our feelings

or, you know, “I never think about race”
or “it’s not intended”

or any of these psychological terms,

but where do you live?

Do you know a Black couple
where both partners are Black?

How many hours have you spent
talking to Black people in the last year?

How much experience do you have
with Latinx people in a peer environment,

you know, at dinner
or in a meeting, right?

So it’s understanding yourself in context,

and then it’s starting to see

the small ways in which we cover
for the racism around us,

things like

“Well, I haven’t been presented
with a candidate to hire,”

where you get that sort of passive tense,

where there’s no notion

that you would have to be
active and proactive

and do the anti-racist action
of going to find.

Or we say, “Well yeah, I did hear that,
but I don’t think that was intentional,”

or “I think that that person’s
just not educated;

they’re just ignorant,”

as though it were just an issue
of not having these things available.

So looking for these little practices,

where within whiteness,
you maintain the privilege,

you maintain the veneer

that there’s nothing
untoward going on here.

Now, from that, you come into …

a place where you can understand
other people’s perspectives.

Let me say a little bit more about that.

Right now, the way
that DEI is done in organizations

doesn’t require those in power,

those with the jobs,

those already enculturated,

to understand the perspective
of other people,

but those one or two or four
Black and brown people

have to understand the perspectives
of the people around them.

They have to constantly be reading
those perspectives.

They have to recognize
that those people don’t have any practice,

don’t have the hours in,

and they have to modulate themselves

to keep the comfort
of the fragility of that environment,

that white environment.

So all of the work,
all of the weight of this,

is on those people
that you’re bringing in.

If you want to retain them,

if you want an integrated,
diverse, inclusive space,

you are going to have to be able
to take your white perspective,

that segregated perspective,

and move it over to the side

and get some time

understanding perspectives that
you have segregated yourself away from

all of these years

so that you can begin to carry the weight
of understanding other people.

Once you get to that point,

that’s how you begin
to establish trust, mutuality

so that then you can have
real conversations with each other,

so that you can really
come to understand each other.

This happened for most people
within whiteness in the suburbs.

This happened for Asian American families
coming in in the ’60s,

straight into the suburbs

with Jewish Americans and Irish Americans
and Italian Americans,

all coming to learn
how to live with each other.

And they all had to change,

and in fact, each of those generations
that came into the suburbs

is going to have more trouble connecting
with their parents and grandparents

that lived in ethnic communities

than they have with each other.

That culture, that coming together,

that’s what we’re trying to create
in a corporate environment,

and that means

that it’s not just a set of policies,

it’s not just a set of anti-bias training.

You need time.

You need practice.

It’s time to understand
someone other than yourself.

PK: That’s a powerful invitation and idea.

What I’m hearing

is that as an organization, perhaps,
that was predominantly white,

let’s say, six months ago

and has begun the process

of increasing the number of non-whites
who are in a variety of roles -

you know, I mean, for many companies,

this may have been going on
for five, ten years, longer -

there may subconsciously be
a sense of the company

as a “we’re a white company
who have some minority members.”

But as you point out,

acculturation is a dynamic
that is continually in operation;

and you’re suggesting

that in order to become conscious,

that acculturation process,

it needs to entail seeing oneself
in one’s racial context,

one’s self-segregating context,

or, you know, a combination
of self-selecting segregation

and situationally selective segregation,

and taking that structure
and putting it aside

to invite the culture of other groups.

So there’s this transition from otherness

to connectedness
and multiracial integration.

Is that a way to see

if going from “We think we’re not white,
but we really kind of are,

and we’re insisting
on white culture unknowingly”

to a negotiation of

“Hey, we’re no longer
needing to be that way.

That is not necessarily
in the best interest of our organization

in the same way
it wasn’t for the military”?

To really achieve,
we really need the full voices.

we need to really listen and really learn

and invite the potential and power
that is in each and every person

across their ethnic, racial,

cultural, gender, etc. backgrounds

in order to generate a better future
for our companies and organizations?

BB: Yeah, I actually think
I can tie it to the bottom line.

Let me start off by tightening
something up a little bit.

By “white,”

I’m talking about a political group.

That political group
has certain privileges.

I have some of those privileges.

So I’m not at all talking
about some biological category

because I don’t think
white was ever a biological category,

and I don’t think Italians, Irish,
Catholics, Jews, Asian Americans

are all in that biological category,

certainly,

but some of them
have this whiteness conditionally.

I think if you’re a Jewish American,

I think you’d recognize
that as the tenor of the politics goes,

so may go your sort of inclusion
within the group.

I think for Asian Americans,

you get almost a contradictory
whiteness sometimes,

where at any point -

and again, today’s politics
would take you there -

you can be seen as the enemy,

you can require more protection

because of what’s being said
by the political structure,

and at the same time, you know,

it’s not that you necessarily grew up

in an ethnic enclave
or anything like that.

You may be perfectly comfortable
at the largest companies in the country,

and you know, you’re going to see others
that look like you while you’re there.

So I do want to understand

that when whiteness
is a political coalition

and that not every member
has the same standing

within that coalition,

and then for the cultural part of it,

I think, you know, whiteness is sort of -

Well, one of the costs of that privilege

is to give up your actual culture,

to not be taught your actual history,

to not be taught of the connections

that you have to others
that are outside those groups,

and so I think that coming
out of privilege

is coming into your actual culture.

Talking about it from
an organizational perspective,

what I would say is this:

A lot of the work I do

is bringing up to speed
people of a certain age -

if I could use that term of art -

people who perhaps were comfortable
with their understanding of racism

five years ago, or 10 years ago, you know,

or during the LA rebellion
or during the ’80s or whenever,

where, you know, you could just understand
yourself as not racist

and say, “I don’t have these thoughts,”

and, you know,
“These things are terrible,”

and say those out loud as though
you were actually doing something.

There’s a generation or two down there -

and I struggle to see
exactly where they’re at,

I just know I’m not among them -

and they are not having your neutrality,

they are not having your claims about
a lack of intent or lack of education.

They are actively asking

why they’ve been given
whitewashed education,

why they haven’t been told
their actual history.

And what I would say to corporate America

is that’s the upcoming demographic

that’s going to be buying
some of your products,

and they are going to look
at your statements of neutrality

and your claims of being
behind “Black Lives Matters,”

and they’re going to check out
your board rooms,

they’re going to look
at your leadership teams,

and if all of your hiring
is down at the lower level,

they’re going to notice.

In case you haven’t been able to see,

they are taking this quite seriously,

and so I think that there are
good bottom line reasons

for some corporations

to start to think about
how they are going to adjust their vision

for a multi-racial United States
that may already be here

but is certainly on its way.

抄写员:Amanda Zhu
审稿人:Rhonda Jacobs

Phil Klein:您好,欢迎来到
TEDxSeattle Community Conversations。

我是您的主持人,菲尔·克莱因

,今天我和拜伦·伯克哈尔特(Byron Burkhalter)一起来到这里,他

是社会学家,也是
“Out of Privilege”

的联合创始人,该组织帮助
个人和企业环境中的

人们努力
承认特权 我们日常生活中

的种族主义和白人至上主义为他们提供了
系统。

拜伦,欢迎并感谢
您今天加入我们。

Byron Burkhalter:
哦,谢谢你邀请我,菲尔。

PK:非常感谢。
是的,很高兴见到你。

那么,您想从哪里

开始思考

我们
在美国或更广泛的日常生活中所经历的白人至上和特权的历史或背景?

BB:所以我认为我要开始的地方
是二战之后


一代士兵回来了,

也进入了红色恐慌的时代,

以及
美国试图整合他们的社会

和生活的方式 到他们的价值观。

我只想
提一下两种不同的整合方式。

其中之一就是我所说
的社会学模型,

因为影响是
他们所生活的世界上的个人。

所以我想说的是

,在 60 年代和 60 年代中期带来了犹太裔美国人的郊区化,
带来了 亚裔美国人

就是
这种社会学模式的证据。

其次,

我会引入一个

基于“布朗
与教育委员会”的心理模型

,我认为这是

将黑人和棕色人
融入学校的压倒性模型,

但现在我 认为


是您在美国企业中发现的 DEI 模型的基础。

我想说的,我想,
主要是我认为那个模型,

现在已经有 70 年历史了,

是一个失误,是错误的方式,

并且会产生影响

实际整合我们工作空间的能力的影响。

PK:你能
为我们解开一点吗?

您如何看待该模型的表现?

BB:所以我首先想说

的是,该模型是

对布朗原告真正想要的东西的翻译。

他们想要社会学模型,

即能够选择
孩子上学的环境

而不考虑肤色。

但法院将其
转化为一种心理模型,

并说:“分开不等于,

因为你正在损害
这些黑人孩子的思想。”

因此
,来自布朗的模型正在

拍摄个别的黑人孩子——

你知道,在
你得到的视觉效果中,

它总是
那种黑白照片

,人群大喊大叫

,一个孩子进去
被警察包围 军官

——你把他们带到一个空间

,一旦你把他们带到那个空间,
你就有效地融入了。

现在,关于

那个空间本身并没有真正改变。

没有人要求
学校里的白人学生做任何不同的事情。

管理员没有做任何不同的事情。

课程没有改变。

它只是让
一个人进入被

认为是整合的空间。

我认为这是有问题的。

今天,
当您试图保留

或招募和保留

非裔美国人和拉丁裔人
进入您的组织时,这对我们来说是个问题,而您自己

却没有真正
经历任何改变。

因此,我们
“出于特权”组织所做的部分工作

是试图
引入这种社会学模式,在这种模式下

,已经存在的

人必须改变,

必须
在更大的背景下努力了解自己。

PK:所以要理解,

在教育委员会对布朗的比赛中,

你让黑人
进入白人学校,对吧?

这被认为
是实施后的完整补救措施,

而我想我听到你说的

是,真正的整合

需要创造一个空间
,让每个参与者——

黑人、棕色人、拉丁美洲人等——

都是一个完整的参与者

,并被认为是一个完整的参与者。 参与者,

而不是

在表面上被同化或整合
到空白空间中。

它使
注意力远离细节,例如,

哦,整个
警察部队和联邦

特工都参与

了解决黑人

孩子因无法
获得白人资源而受到损害的方式。

BB:是的,我认为这完全正确。

更重要的是,
就我们对白人的理解而言,

作为白人政治团体的一员所获得的特权的想法

是,我们不
明白那些拥有特权的


是维护特权

的积极参与者,直到 他们的行为发生了变化,

直到他们以不同的方式做事,

那种特权,那种差异,
那种

隔离永远不会消失。

只要我们名义上
周围有足够多的黑色和棕色尸体,

我们就做到了,我们正在做这项工作。

PK:这种
白色的盲目性

不仅围绕着“看不见的人”,
你知道,用拉尔夫·埃里森的话来说,这

是一个黑人被体验的方式,

有一种看不见的白人

力量围绕
着白人选择不去看的东西 ,

因为它对他们来说无处不在。

BB:完全正确。

现在,请注意,当我们谈论这个问题时

,它
在武装部队中有多么不同,对吧?

我相信是通过艾森豪威尔的行政命令。

在 10 年内,

通过让人们相互生活、相互

训练、相互

斗争、

用生命相互信任,取得了令人难以置信的进步。

但取而代之的是
,我们采用心理模型的方式,

而不是将其
视为一种社会运作,

而是一种个体模型。

直到今天,

你让人们
接受反偏见培训

,就好像必须改变个人的思想一样

个人可以做出这些轻微的行为改变

,从而营造一种中立的氛围。

与此同时,我们中的许多
人生活在隔离的社区中

,我们中的许多人去
了隔离的学校、

隔离的学院和大学

,我们中的许多人每天都去参加

我们没有时间参加
的隔离会议 实际上住在一起,

这是军队的模式

,所以我们不知道
如何相互联系。

我们根本
没有时间这样做。

事实上,我们已经有几个小时
彼此断开,

寻找更安全的学校,
更安全的社区,

以及我们需要的任何其他编码语言

,以证明
我们生活中没有与黑人和棕色人的经验。

如果没有这种改变,

你的反偏见培训
不会教你如何与任何人一起生活。

PK:所以,只是为了捕捉这一点,
因为它是如此重要。

你是说,我认为——

老实说

——在我们的军队中,

真的,
作为一个国家的爱国主义工具

专注于在其架构中

系统

地发展多种族国家力量的演变,

而在 教育

、隔离制度,

甚至在
系统性取消种族隔离的某些方面,

都在强化一种心理模式,

而不是
接受那种社会学模式。

BB:没错。

而心理模型对我

来说自然
对维护白人至上更有用,

就像你说的那样

——我认为你提出的东西
很聪明,对吧?

这就是我们保护民主的方式。

如果你
回去阅读行政命令,

它几乎就是这样说的,菲尔——

这是为了保护我们的民主。

现在,当我们
查看布朗与教育委员会的对比时,

这是为了阻止
对黑人和棕色头脑的损害。

整合学校并不是为了我们所有人

这是给他们的。

这是我们的慷慨,我们的利他主义。

但是有了武装部队,
这就是我们的国家,

这个实验正在进行中

,所以按照命令,你们将共同生活

,这产生了效果,对吧?

但是当我们从心理模型来看时,我们

的想法是我们正在帮助他们

,而没有意识到白人,
那个政党内的人,

他们自己需要这个。

即使现在我们作为组织走到一起

为什么这个组织会多样化?

他们是否将
其视为底线的一部分?

他们是否将其视为自己的一部分?

或者这只是他们的慷慨?

BB:您能否多

谈谈您认为公司如何

能够、现在或应该或应该

在他们开始
看待多样性、包容性和公平的方式中应用这种思维方式?

所以我要说的
是,在这个开始的时候,

每个人都必须

在这个种族背景下了解自己。

我们每个人都
必须了解自己,

而不是根据我们的态度
或感受,

或者,你知道,“我从不考虑种族”
或“这不是故意的”

或任何这些心理术语,

但你住在哪里?

你知道一对黑人夫妇
,双方都是黑人吗?

在过去的一年里,你花了多少时间与黑人交谈? 你知道,

在同龄人环境中

,在晚餐
或会议上,你与拉丁裔人有多少经验,对吧?

所以它是在上下文中了解你自己,

然后它开始看到

我们掩盖
我们周围的种族主义的小方法

,比如

“嗯,我还没有找到
要雇用的候选人”

,你会得到那种 被动时态

,不

认为你必须
积极主动

并采取反种族主义
行动去寻找。

或者我们说,“嗯,是的,我确实听到了,
但我不认为这是故意的”,

或者“我认为那个人
只是没有受过教育;

他们只是无知”

,好像这只是一个
问题 没有这些东西可用。

所以寻找这些小实践,

在白人中,
你保持特权,

你保持

表面没有什么
不愉快的事情发生。

现在,从那里,你进入了……

一个你可以理解
其他人观点的地方。

让我多说一点。

现在
,DEI 在组织

中的运作方式不需要那些当权者,

那些有工作的人,

那些已经接受文化教育的人

去理解
其他人的观点,

但是那些一两个或四个
黑人和棕色人

必须理解
周围人的看法。

他们必须不断地阅读
这些观点。

他们必须认识
到那些人没有任何练习,

没有时间

,他们必须调整自己,

以保持
对那个环境,

那个白色环境的脆弱性的舒适感。

所以所有的工作,
所有的重量,

都在
你要引进的那些人身上。

如果你想留住他们,

如果你想要一个综合的、
多样化的、包容的空间,

你必须能够
把你的白人观点,

那个被隔离的观点

,移到一边

,花一些时间去

理解这些年来
你已经把自己与自己隔离开来的观点,

这样你就可以开始承担
理解他人的重任。

一旦你达到了那个点,

这就是你
开始建立信任、相互关系的方式

,这样你们就可以彼此进行
真正的对话,

这样你们就可以
真正了解彼此。

这发生
在郊区的大多数白人身上。

这发生
在 60 年代的亚裔美国家庭,他们

直接进入郊区,

有犹太裔美国人、爱尔兰裔美国人
和意大利裔美国人,他们

都来学习
如何与彼此生活。

他们都必须改变

,事实上
,来到郊区的每一代人,

居住在少数民族社区的父母和祖父母的联系

将比他们彼此之间更难。

这种文化,那种团结,

这就是我们试图
在企业环境中创造的

,这

意味着它不仅仅是一套政策,

不仅仅是一套反偏见培训。

你需要时间。

你需要练习。

是时候了解
自己以外的人了。

PK:这是一个强有力的邀请和想法。

我听到的

是,作为一个组织,也许,比方
说,六个月前主要是白人,

并且已经

开始增加
担任各种角色的非白人的数量 -

你知道,我的意思是 对很多公司来说,

这可能已经持续
了五年、十年甚至更长的时间——

潜意识里可能会有
一种公司的感觉,那

就是“我们是一家
有一些少数族裔成员的白人公司”。

但正如你所指出的,

文化适应
是一种持续运作的动力。

你的意思

是,为了变得有意识,

那个文化适应过程,

它需要
在一个人的种族背景下,

一个人的自我隔离背景下看待自己,

或者,你知道
,自我选择的隔离

和情境选择性隔离的结合,

并采取这种结构
并将其放在一边

以邀请其他群体的文化。

所以这是从差异性

到连通性
和多种族融合的转变。

这是一种方式来看看

是否从“我们认为我们不是白人,
但我们真的有点是

,我们在
不知不觉中坚持白人文化”

“嘿,我们不再
需要成为”的谈判 那样。

这不一定
符合我们组织的最佳利益,

就像
它不符合军队一样”?

要真正实现,
我们真的需要完整的声音。

我们需要真正倾听并真正学习

并邀请
每个人

在其种族、种族、

文化、性别等背景下的潜力和力量

,以便
为我们的公司和组织创造更美好的未来?

BB:是的,我实际上认为
我可以将其与底线联系起来。

让我从
稍微收紧一些东西开始。

我所说的“白人”

是指一个政治团体。

该政治团体
享有某些特权。

我有一些特权。

所以我根本不是在
谈论某种生物学类别,

因为我不认为
白人曾经是一个生物学类别,

而且我不认为意大利人、爱尔兰人、
天主教徒、犹太人、亚裔美国人

都属于那个生物学类别,

当然,

但其中一些
有条件地具有这种白度。

我想如果你是一个犹太裔美国人,

我想你会认识
到随着政治的发展

,你在团体中的包容性也会随之
改变。

我认为对于亚裔美国人来说,有时

你会得到几乎矛盾的白人

在任何时候

——同样,今天的政治
会把你带到那里——

你可以被视为敌人,

你可能需要更多的保护,

因为
政界所说的话 结构,

同时,你知道,

这并不是说你一定

在种族飞地
或类似的地方长大。

您可能
在该国最大的公司中感到非常自在,

而且您知道,当您在那里时,您会看到其他
看起来像您的人。

因此,我确实想了解

,当白人
是一个政治联盟

并且并非每个成员在该联盟中都
具有相同的地位

然后对于其中的文化部分,

我认为,您知道,白人有点-

嗯,其中之一 这种特权的代价

是放弃你的实际文化

,不被教导你的实际历史

,不被教导

你与那些群体之外的其他人的联系

,所以我认为
摆脱特权

即将到来 融入你的实际文化。

从组织的角度谈论它,

我想说的是:

我所做

的很多工作都是为了提高
特定年龄的人的速度——

如果我可以使用这个艺术术语——

可能对他们的理解感到满意的人

五年前或 10 年前的种族主义,你知道,

或者在洛杉矶叛乱
期间,或者在 80 年代或任何时候,

在哪里,你知道,你可以理解
自己不是种族主义者,

然后说,“我没有这些 想法”,

而且,你知道,
“这些事情太可怕了”

,然后大声说出来,就好像
你真的在做某事一样。

那里有一两代人

——我很难看清
他们的确切位置,

我只知道我不在他们之中

——他们没有你的中立,

他们没有你
声称缺乏意图或 缺乏教育。

他们在积极地询问

为什么他们接受了
粉饰的教育,

为什么他们没有被告知
他们的真实历史。

我要对美国企业说的

是,即将到来的

人口将购买
你的一些产品

,他们会
看你的中立声明

和你声称
支持“黑人的命也是命”的说法

,他们是 去看看
你的董事会,

他们会
看看你的领导团队

,如果你所有的招聘
都在较低的水平,

他们会注意到的。

万一你没看到,

他们非常认真地对待这件事

,所以我认为一些公司有
充分的底线理由

开始考虑
他们将如何调整他们

对多种族的愿景 美国
可能已经在这里,

但肯定在路上。