To transform child welfare take race out of the equation Jessica Pryce

I want you to imagine that you are
a Child Protective Services worker.

And you have to respond
to a report of child abuse.

You walk into a home, unannounced,
unexpected, certainly uninvited.

The first thing you see is a mattress
in the middle of the room, on the floor.

Three kids lying on it, asleep.

There’s a small table nearby
with a couple of ashtrays,

empty beer cans.

Large rat traps are set in the corner,

not too far from where
the kids lie asleep.

So you make a note.

A part of your job is walking
through the entire home.

So you start with the kitchen,
where there’s very little food.

You notice another mattress
in the bedroom, on the floor,

that the mother shares
with her infant child.

Now, generally, at this point,
two things may happen.

The children are deemed unsafe
and removed from the home,

and placed in state custody
for a specified period of time.

Or the children remain with their family

and the child welfare system
provides help and support.

When I was a Child
Protective Services worker,

I saw things like this all the time.

Some far better, some far worse.

I asked you to imagine
yourself in that home,

because I wonder what crossed your mind.

What guides your decisions?

What’s going to impact
your opinion of that family?

What race, ethnicity,
did you think the family was?

I want you to realize
that if those children were white,

it is more likely that their family
stays together after that visit.

Research done at
the University of Pennsylvania

found that white families, on average,
have access to more help and more support

from the child welfare system.

And their cases are less likely
to go through a full investigation.

But on the other hand,
if those kids are black,

they are four times
more likely to be removed,

they spend longer periods
of time in foster care,

and it’s harder to find them
a stable foster placement.

Foster care is meant to be
an immediate shelter of protection

for kids who are at high risk.

But it’s also a confusing
and traumatic exit from the family.

Research done at
the University of Minnesota

found that kids
who went through foster care

had more behavioral problems
and internalized issues

than kids who remain with their families
while receiving help and support.

The scenario I mentioned earlier
is not uncommon.

A single mother,
living in low-income housing

with her four children.

And the rats make it
almost impossible to keep food,

let alone fresh food in the home.

Does that mother deserve
to have her children taken from her?

Emma Ketteringham,
a family court attorney,

says that if you live
in a poor neighborhood,

then you better be a perfect parent.

She says that we place unfair,
often unreachable standards

on parents who are raising their kids
with very little money.

And their neighborhood and ethnicity

impact whether or not
their kids are removed.

In the two years I spent
on the front lines of child welfare,

I made high-stakes decisions.

And I saw firsthand
how my personal values impacted my work.

Now, as social work faculty
at Florida State University,

I lead an institute

that curates the most innovative
and effective child welfare research.

And research tells us that there are
twice as many black kids in foster care,

twenty-eight percent,

than there are in the general
population, 14 percent.

And although there are
several reasons why,

I want to discuss one reason today:

implicit bias.

Let’s start with “implicit.”

It’s subconscious,
something you’re not aware of.

Bias – those stereotypes and attitudes

that we all have
about certain groups of people.

So, implicit bias is what lurks
in the background

of every decision that we make.

So how can we fix it?

I have a promising solution
that I want to share.

Now, in almost every state,

there are high numbers of black kids
going into foster care.

But data revealed that Nassau County,

a community in New York,

had managed to decrease
the number of black kids being removed.

And in 2016, I went
into that community with my team

and led a research study,

discovering the use
of blind removal meetings.

This is how it works.

A case worker responds
to a report of child abuse.

They go out to the home,

but before the children are removed,

the case worker
must come back to the office

and present what they found.

But here’s the distinction:

When they present to the committee,

they delete names, ethnicity,
neighborhood, race,

all identifiable information.

They focus on what happened,
family strength, relevant history

and the parents' ability
to protect the child.

With that information,
the committee makes a recommendation,

never knowing the race of the family.

Blind removals have made
a drastic impact in that community.

In 2011, 57 percent of the kids
going into foster care were black.

But after five years of blind removals,
that is down to 21 percent.

(Applause)

Here’s what we learned
from talking to some of the case workers.

“When a family has a history
with the department,

many of us hold that history against them,

even if they’re trying
to do things differently.”

“When I see a case from a certain
apartment building,

neighborhood or zip code,

I just automatically think the worst.”

“Child welfare is very subjective,
because it’s an emotional field.

There’s no one who doesn’t have
emotions around this work.

And it’s very hard to leave
all of your stuff at the door

when you do this work.

So let’s take the subjectivity
of race and neighborhood out of it,

and you might get different outcomes.”

Blind removals seem to be
bringing us closer

to solving the problem of implicit bias
in foster-care decisions.

My next step is figuring out

how to use artificial intelligence
and machine learning

to bring this project to scale

and make it more accessible
to other states.

I know we can transform child welfare.

We can hold organizations accountable

to developing the social consciousness
of their employees.

We can hold ourselves accountable

to making sure our decisions
are driven by ethics and safety.

Let’s imagine a child welfare system
that focuses on partnering with parents,

empowering families,

and no longer see poverty as failure.

Let’s work together to build a system

that wants to make families stronger
instead of pulling them apart.

Thank you.

(Applause) (Cheering)

我想让你想象你是
一名儿童保护服务工作人员。

你必须
回应虐待儿童的报告。

你走进一个家,不经通知,
出乎意料,当然不请自来。

您首先看到的是
房间中间的地板上的床垫。

三个孩子躺在上面,睡着了。

附近有一张小桌子
,上面放着几个烟灰缸和

空啤酒罐。

角落里设置了大型捕鼠器,

离孩子们睡觉的地方不远。

所以你做个笔记。

你工作的一部分是
走遍整个家。

所以你从厨房开始,
那里几乎没有食物。

您注意到
卧室地板上的另一个床垫

,母亲
与她的婴儿共用。

现在,一般来说,在这一点上,
可能会发生两件事。

这些孩子被认为不安全
并被带离家中,

并在
指定的时间段内被国家拘留。

或者孩子们留在家人

身边,儿童福利系统
提供帮助和支持。

当我还是一名儿童
保护服务工作者时,

我一直看到这样的事情。

有些好得多,有些更糟。

我让你想象
自己在那个家里,

因为我想知道你脑子里闪过什么。

什么指导你的决定?

什么会影响
你对那个家庭的看法?

你认为这个家庭是什么种族、民族?

我想让你意识到
,如果那些孩子是白人,

他们的家人更有可能
在那次访问后呆在一起。

宾夕法尼亚大学进行的研究

发现,平均而言,白人家庭
可以从儿童福利系统获得更多帮助和更多支持

而且他们的案件不太
可能经过全面调查。

但另一方面,
如果这些孩子是黑人,

他们被带走的
可能性要高出四倍,

他们
在寄养的时间更长,

而且更难为他们找到
一个稳定的寄养位置。

寄养旨在

为处于高风险中的孩子提供直接的保护。

但这也是一个令人困惑
和痛苦的家庭退出。

明尼苏达大学进行的研究

发现,
接受寄养的孩子比在接受帮助和支持时留在家人身边的孩子

有更多的行为问题
和内化问题

我之前提到的场景
并不少见。

一位单身母亲,

与她的四个孩子住在低收入住房中。

而且老鼠
几乎不可能保存食物,

更不用说家里的新鲜食物了。

那个母亲应该
把她的孩子从她身边带走吗? 家庭法庭律师

艾玛·凯特林厄姆 (Emma Ketteringham)

说,如果你住
在贫困社区,

那么你最好成为一个完美的父母。

她说,我们对用很少的钱抚养孩子的父母设定了不公平的、
通常无法达到的标准

他们的社区和种族会

影响
他们的孩子是否被带走。

在儿童福利前线度过的两年时间里

我做出了高风险的决定。

我亲眼目睹
了我的个人价值观如何影响我的工作。

现在,作为
佛罗里达州立大学的社会工作教员,

我领导着一个机构

,负责策划最具创新性
和最有效的儿童福利研究。

研究告诉我们
,寄养的黑人儿童数量是

28% 的

两倍,是普通
人群中 14% 的两倍。

尽管有
几个原因,但

我今天想讨论一个原因:

隐性偏见。

让我们从“隐式”开始。

这是潜意识的,
是你不知道的。

偏见——

我们
对某些人群的刻板印象和态度。

因此,隐性偏见潜伏

我们做出的每一个决定的背景中。

那么我们该如何解决呢?

我想分享一个有前途的解决
方案。

现在,几乎在每个州,

都有大量黑人儿童
进入寄养家庭。

但数据显示,

纽约的一个社区拿骚县

设法减少
了被带走的黑人儿童的数量。

2016 年,我
和我的团队进入那个社区

并领导了一项研究,

发现
了盲人移除会议的使用。

这就是它的工作原理。

一名个案工作者
回应有关虐待儿童的报告。

他们出去回家,

但在孩子被带走之前

,案例工作者
必须回到办公室

并展示他们发现的东西。

但这里有区别:

当他们向委员会展示时,

他们会删除姓名、种族、
社区、种族,

所有可识别的信息。

他们关注所发生的事情、
家庭实力、相关历史

和父母
保护孩子的能力。

有了这些信息
,委员会就提出了建议,而

永远不知道这个家庭的种族。

盲目搬迁
对该社区产生了巨大影响。

2011 年,57%
的寄养儿童是黑人。

但经过五年的盲目清除,
这一比例下降到了 21%。

(掌声)

这是我们
从与一些个案工作者交谈中了解到的。

“当一个家庭
与该部门有历史时

,我们中的许多人都会对他们持有这种历史,

即使他们试图
以不同的方式做事。”

“当我看到某个
公寓楼、

社区或邮政编码的案例时,

我会自动想到最坏的情况。”

“儿童福利是非常主观的,
因为它是一个情感领域。

围绕这项工作没有人没有情感。当

你做这项工作时,很难把
你所有的东西都丢在门外

所以让我们采取主观性
种族和邻里关系

,你可能会得到不同的结果。”

盲目搬家似乎
让我们更

接近解决
寄养决定中的隐性偏见问题。

我的下一步是弄清楚

如何使用人工智能
和机器学习

来扩大这个项目

并使其更
容易被其他州访问。

我知道我们可以改变儿童福利。

我们可以要求组织

对培养员工的社会
意识负责。

我们可以让自己负责

,确保我们的决定
是由道德和安全驱动的。

让我们想象
一个专注于与父母合作、

赋予家庭权力

、不再将贫困视为失败的儿童福利系统。

让我们共同努力建立一个系统

,让家庭变得更强大,
而不是把他们分开。

谢谢你。

(掌声)(欢呼)