Ugly history The 1937 Haitian Massacre Edward Paulino

When historians talk about
the atrocities of the 20th century,

we often think of those that took place
during and between the two World Wars.

Along with the Armenian genocide
in modern-day Turkey,

the Rape of Nanking in China,

and Kristallnacht in Germany,

another horrific ethnic cleansing campaign

occurred on an island between
the Atlantic Ocean and Caribbean Sea.

The roots of this conflict
go back to 1492,

when Christopher Columbus stumbled
onto the Caribbean island

that would come to be named Hispaniola,
launching a wave of European colonization.

The island’s Taíno natives were decimated
by violence and disease

and the Europeans imported large numbers
of enslaved Africans

to toil in profitable sugar plantations.

By 1777, the island had become divided

between a French-controlled West
and a Spanish-controlled East.

A mass slave revolt won Haiti
its independence from France in 1804

and it became the world’s
first black republic.

But the new nation paid dearly,

shut out of the world economy and
saddled with debt by its former masters.

Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic
would declare independence

by first overthrowing Haitian rule
of eastern Hispaniola

and later Spanish
and American colonialism.

Despite the long and collaborative history
shared by these two countries,

many Dominican elites saw Haiti
as a racial threat

that imperiled political and commercial
relations with white western nations.

In the years following World War I,

the United States occupied
both parts of the island.

It did so to secure its power
in the Western hemisphere

by destroying local opposition
and installing US-friendly governments.

The brutal and racist nature
of the US occupation,

particularly along the remote
Dominican-Haitian border,

laid the foundation for bigger atrocities
after its withdrawal.

In 1930, liberal Dominican president
Horacio Vásquez

was overthrown by the chief of his army,
Rafael Trujillo.

Despite being a quarter Haitian himself,

Trujillo saw the presence of a bicultural
Haitian and Dominican borderland

as both a threat to his power

and an escape route
for political revolutionaries.

In a chilling speech on October 2, 1937,

he left no doubt about his intentions
for the region.

Claiming to be protecting Dominican
farmers from theft and incursion,

Trujillo announced the killing
of 300 Haitians along the border

and promised that this so-called “remedy”
would continue.

Over the next few weeks,
the Dominican military,

acting on Trujillo’s orders,

murdered thousands of Haitian men
and women,

and even their Dominican-born children.

The military targeted black Haitians,

even though many Dominicans themselves
were also dark-skinned.

Some accounts say that to distinguish
the residents

of one country from the other,

the killers forced their victims
to say the Spanish word for parsley.

Dominicans pronounce it perejil,
with a trilled Spanish “r.”

The primary Haitian language, however,
is Kreyol, which doesn’t use a trilled r.

So if people struggled to say perejil,

they were judged to be Haitian
and immediately killed.

Yet recent scholarship suggests
that tests like this

weren’t the sole factor used to determine
who would be murdered,

especially because many of the border
residents were bilingual.

The Dominican government censored
any news of the massacre,

while bodies were thrown in ravines,

dumped in rivers,

or burned to dispose of the evidence.

This is why no one knows exactly
how many people were murdered,

though contemporary estimates
range from about 4,000 to 15,000.

Yet the extent of the carnage
was clear to many observers.

As the US Ambassador to
the Dominican Republic at the time noted,

“The entire northwest of the frontier
on the Dajabón side

is absolutely devoid of Haitians.

Those not slain either fled across the
frontier or are still hiding in the bush.”

The government tried
to disclaim responsibility

and blame the killings
on vigilante civilians,

but Trujillo was condemned
internationally.

Eventually, the Dominican government

was forced to pay only $525,000
in reparations to Haiti,

but due to corrupt bureaucracy,

barely any of these funds reached
survivors or their families.

Neither Trujillo nor anyone
in his government

was ever punished for this crime
against humanity.

The legacy of the massacre remains
a source of tension

between the two countries.

Activists on both sides of the border
have tried to heal the wounds of the past.

But the Dominican state has done little,
if anything,

to officially commemorate
the massacre or its victims.

Meanwhile, the memory of the Haitian
massacre remains a chilling reminder

of how power-hungry leaders
can manipulate people

into turning against
their lifelong neighbors.

当历史学家谈论
20 世纪的暴行时,

我们经常会想到发生
在两次世界大战期间和之间的那些暴行。

除了
现代土耳其的亚美尼亚种族灭绝、

中国的南京大屠杀

和德国的水晶之夜,大西洋和加勒比海之间的一个岛屿上还发生了

另一场可怕的种族清洗运动

这场冲突的根源
可以追溯到 1492 年,

当时克里斯托弗·哥伦布 (Christopher Columbus) 偶然发现

后来被命名为伊斯帕尼奥拉 (Hispaniola)
的加勒比海岛屿,掀起了欧洲殖民浪潮。

岛上的泰诺原住民
被暴力和疾病摧毁

,欧洲人进口了
大量被奴役的

非洲人,在有利可图的甘蔗种植园劳作。

到 1777 年,该岛已分裂

为法国控制的西方
和西班牙控制的东方。 1804 年,

一场大规模的奴隶起义使海地
从法国独立,

并成为世界
上第一个黑人共和国。

但这个新国家付出了沉重的代价,

被世界经济拒之门外,还
背负着前主人的债务。

与此同时,多米尼加共和国

首先推翻海地
对东伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的统治

,随后推翻西班牙
和美国的殖民主义,从而宣布独立。

尽管
这两个国家有着悠久的合作历史,但

许多多米尼加精英将海地
视为威胁

与西方白人国家的政治和商业关系的种族威胁。

在第一次世界大战后的几年里

,美国占领
了该岛的两个部分。

它这样做是为了

通过摧毁当地反对派
和建立对美国友好的政府来确保其在西半球的权力。 美国占领

的野蛮和种族主义
性质,

特别是在偏远的
多米尼加-海地边境,为其撤军后

的更大暴行奠定了基础

1930 年,自由派多米尼加总统
奥拉西奥·巴斯克斯(Horacio Vásquez)

被他的军队首领
拉斐尔·特鲁希略(Rafael Trujillo)推翻。

尽管自己是海地人的四分之一,但

特鲁希略认为
海地人和多米尼加人的双重文化边界

的存在既是对他权力的威胁,

也是政治革命者的逃生路线。

在 1937 年 10 月 2 日的一次令人毛骨悚然的演讲中,

他毫不怀疑他
对该地区的意图。

声称要保护多米尼加
农民免遭盗窃和入侵,

特鲁希略宣布
在边境杀死 300 名海地人,

并承诺这种所谓的“补救措施”
将继续下去。

在接下来的几周里
,多米尼加军队

按照特鲁希略的命令,

杀害了数千名海地
男女,

甚至他们在多米尼加出生的孩子。

军队的目标是黑海地人,

尽管许多多米尼加人
自己也是黑皮肤的。

一些报道称,为了将

一个国家的居民与另一个国家的居民区分开来

,凶手强迫
受害者说出西班牙语中的欧芹。

多米尼加人发音为 perejil,
带有颤音的西班牙语“r”。

然而,主要的海地语言
是 Kreyol,它不使用颤音 r。

因此,如果人们挣扎着说perejil,

他们就会被判定为海地人,
并立即被杀死。

然而最近的学术研究
表明,像这样的测试

并不是用来确定
谁会被谋杀的唯一因素,

尤其是因为许多边境
居民会说双语。

多米尼加政府审查
了有关大屠杀的任何消息

,尸体被扔进沟壑、

倾倒在河流中

或焚烧以处置证据。

这就是为什么没有人确切知道有
多少人被谋杀,

尽管当代
估计在 4,000 到 15,000 人之间。

然而
,许多观察者都清楚屠杀的程度。

正如当时的美国
驻多米尼加共和国大使所说,

“达贾邦一侧边境的整个西北部

绝对没有海地人。

那些没有被杀的人要么逃过
边境,要么仍然躲在灌木丛中。”

政府试图

推卸责任并将杀戮
归咎于治安警察平民,

但特鲁希略在
国际上受到谴责。

最终,多米尼加政府

被迫只向海地支付了 525,000 美元
的赔款,

但由于腐败的官僚主义,

这些资金几乎没有送到
幸存者或其家人手中。

特鲁希略和
他的政府

中的任何人都没有因这一
危害人类罪而受到惩罚。

大屠杀的遗留问题仍然
是两国之间紧张局势的根源

边界两边的活动家
都试图治愈过去的创伤。

但多米尼加政府

在正式纪念
大屠杀或其受害者方面几乎没有采取任何行动。

与此同时,海地
大屠杀的记忆仍然令人不寒而栗,

提醒人们渴望权力的领导人
如何操纵

人们反对
他们的终生邻居。