How to Kill a Neighborhood and Make a Profit

i want you to pull up in your mind’s eye

your neighborhood

not just the buildings the streets the

trees but also the people

what do they look like

what race are they

have you ever wondered

why your neighborhood looks the way it

does

have you ever asked yourself why some

neighborhoods are ravaged by drugs and

violence and others are

not have you ever wondered why

neighborhoods that once had open air

drug markets now have upscale

restaurants and farmers markets

i have

because each time i visit the

neighborhood where i was raised

it has more and more upscale restaurants

and fewer and fewer black people

i grew up in a primarily black middle

class neighborhood in washington dc

called petworth

last time i was there i ate in a

restaurant whose specialty

was raw hamachi with pomegranate sauce

preserved lemon and satar

this was a far cry from the fried

chicken wings of mumbo sauce my best

friend matalaka and i used to get from

the chinese carryout

when i was growing up in pet worth

there was no rustic pizzeria no wine bar

no cider tasting room and apart from my

family there were a few white people

all this has changed

petworth is gentrifying

which is when the gentry middle class

people move into a neighborhood that has

low levels of public and private

investment

petworth has gentrified only

because it first experienced

disinvestment which refers to the fact

that petworth

lost public and private investment

you see real estate developers built pet

worth

as an all-white neighborhood in the

early 20th century

by the time my family moved to petworth

in 1976

nearly all the white people had left

petworth was still middle class

but now was primarily black

and experiencing disinvestment

when i enrolled in kindergarten in our

neighborhood school in 1978

i was one of two white children at that

school

the other white child my brother ian

when i was in second grade

i transferred to a new school

where there were only a handful of

students who were not white

my new school had carpeting

a library full of books and a beautiful

playground my old school had

linoleum floors

a sparse library

and we spent recess walking single file

around the block with our teacher

i spent the rest of my childhood taking

the bus from my primarily black

neighborhood east of rock creek park to

primarily white schools west of the park

i’d get on the bus across the street

from the corner store owned by mr coe

rice to buy big mama sausages

we’d ride past the liquor store where

monique and i used to buy cigarettes for

her grandmother

and later for ourselves

then we ride past the funeral home

where i attended erica’s funeral

after she was gunned down in a drive-by

shooting

on the other side of the park there

would be houses on tree-lined streets

and the occasional white person jogging

the bus didn’t turn onto connecticut

avenue

but if it did it would have passed by

the politics and pros bookstore

the bread and chocolate bakery and the

parthenon greek restaurant

one of my earliest memories

is of going to a mayday march with my

father and chanting

asian latin black and white workers of

the world unite with activist parents i

grew up well aware of the harms caused

by racism and capitalism

and you probably won’t find it

surprising to learn that i’m the founder

of the racism capitalism and the law lab

and a professor of sociology at the

university of california merced where i

teach classes on race and racism

despite my extensive anti-racist

education

i didn’t learn how racist policies had

affected the neighborhood where i grew

up

until i came across the work of the

historians at prologue dc i learned that

racial segregation in pet worth began

with the use of racial deed covenants

these covenants are lines in deeds that

read

this home shall not be sold or rented to

a negro

the real estate industry

and white homeowners use these covenants

to prevent african americans from moving

into pet worth until 1948

when the supreme court ruled those

covenants were not legally enforceable

with this court decision black people

could move into pet worth

one of the first black people to move

into petworth was a doctor

by the name of clarence d hinton

dr hinton knew his white neighbors might

try to prevent him from moving into this

all-white neighborhood

so he found a white person to negotiate

the sale on his behalf

once the neighbors realized

a black family was moving in

they put padlocks on the doors to try to

prevent the hindus from moving in

this did not stop dr hinton from moving

his family into his new home

within a generation

nearly all their white neighbors would

leave

when a black family moved into an

all-white neighborhood realtors

perceived an opportunity for profit

realtors used scare tactics to frighten

white families to sell their homes and

get out before the neighborhood turned

realtors would then buy the homes and

sell them to black people for a handsome

profit

this practice is called blockbusting it

happened across the city and created

white flight between 1950 and 1970 half

the white residents of dc left the city

as black families were moving to

petworth white families fled to the

suburbs the real estate industry and the

federal government worked together

to keep the suburbs white

the federal housing administration

advised banks not to grant loans in

areas where african americans lived as

these were not good investments

this practice is called redlining

because areas where black people live

were shaded red on color-coded maps

racial segregation was not an accident

it was a direct result of racially

restrictive covenants block busting

redlining and white flight

the fha’s notion that investing in black

communities was a poor investment choice

became a self-fulfilling prophecy

as the government divested from the city

so did the private sector

as white families moved to the suburbs

so did the jobs

by 1990

two-thirds of the jobs in the d.c

metropolitan area were in the suburbs

half of all black youth were unemployed

enter crack cocaine with high

unemployment and failing schools

young men began to sell crack in

open-air drug markets to make ends meet

crack was lucrative turf wars and gun

violence ensued

in 1991

washington dc had the highest homicide

rate in the country

the city’s response to this tragedy

was to double the police force

by the end of the 20th century

washington dc had the highest

incarceration rate in

the world

the capital of the nation became a world

leader

in incarceration

this devastation

touched the lives of my closest

girlfriends

monique

maralaka and tracy

as children

monique

her dog brutus and i spent our summer

splashing in rock creek’s

cool waters

monique’s first love was maurice

who lost his life

to a gunshot wound

every weekend in high school i’d walk

the two blocks from my house to

matalaka’s home to get dressed

to go out to the ibex the metro club or

the black hole to hear one of dc’s famed

go-go bands

her baby brother ollo always had

something to say about our outfits which

were invariably short tight and colorful

it was the 80s after all

i didn’t mind alo’s teasing as he always

teased us

as he did everything with a big old

smile

every memory i have of allo is of him

smiling

in my first year of graduate school

alo was brutally murdered

tracy was so proud of me when i went off

to college

two years after i moved into the dorms

her brother mark who was the smartest

and coolest dude i knew

was off to prison where he faced a life

sentence

monique sold her grandmother’s home

after she passed

maralaca’s family lost their six-bedroom

home to foreclosure

when tracy’s brother mark was arrested

the federal government used asset

forfeiture laws to seize the home

tracy’s grandfather had purchased in the

1950s

the dispossession of black middle class

residents made gentrification possible

it became profitable for investors to

purchase devalued houses foreclosed

homes and forfeited properties to create

new homes for new people

disinvestment

combined with low housing prices record

low interest rates and tax incentives

made pet worth attractive to investors

after decades of abandonment

disinvestment

made reinvestment

profitable in 2016 a real estate company

ranked pet worth first in the nation for

the profits investors could make from

flipping a home with an average profit

of over 300 grand per sale

reinvestment does not erase the violence

of disinvestment

are you ready for the six-point policy

plan that will

unfortunately there is no six-point

policy plan there are no policies

that can return the 4 000 lives lost to

homicide in washington d.c

there are no policies

that will return the human potential

stolen from our neighborhood when the

brightest minds were given life

sentences for drug offenses

today most people i grew up with cannot

afford to live in pet worth

they attended disinvested schools which

made graduated from high school

difficult

and finishing college even more

challenging

the loss of their loved ones to homicide

and the prison system

made thriving in young adulthood

difficult

there are exceptions of course

matalaka’s youngest sister ezewine is a

doctor

she was able to turn the tragic loss of

her brother into the motivation she

needed to finish her medical degree

it took an unfathomable amount of

strength for as a wine to earn enough to

be able to afford a home in petworth

when i was growing up

nearly all the residents of petworth

were black today

less than half are

when white people move in

and black people move out housing prices

go up

you know there’s one reason home values

increase when white people move in

racism

there is one reason homes are assigned

value at all

capitalism

replacing carryouts with upscale

restaurants does nothing

to dismantle racism or capitalism

racism and capitalism requires us to ask

a new and different set of questions

questions like

what if we invested in people instead of

prisons

what if housing were a human right

instead of a commodity

what if profits were no longer the

driving force of our society

i invite you to join me

and abolitionists like angela davis

ruthie wilson gilmore and miriam caba in

imagining

and building a movement for a world

where young women like ezewine can

flourish without needing deep wells of

resilience

or the potential

of young black men like marcus not

squandered

where lives

like aloes and maurice’s do not end in

violence

a world

where black

lives

matter

thank you

我希望你在脑海中想起

你的社区,

不仅是建筑物,街道,

树木,还有

人们他们长什么样子他们是

什么种族

你有没有

想过为什么你的社区看起来像

你曾经问过自己的样子 为什么有些

社区遭到毒品和暴力的蹂躏,

而另一些社区却

没有 你有没有想过为什么

曾经有露天

毒品市场的社区现在有了高档

餐馆和农贸市场,

因为每次我访问

我长大的社区时,

它都有更多和 越来越多的高档餐厅

和越来越少的黑人

在华盛顿

特区一个名为佩特沃斯的黑人中产阶级社区长大

上次我在那里我在一家餐厅吃饭

我和我最好的朋友马塔拉卡从蒙波酱的炸鸡翅中哭泣,我

小时候经常从中国的外卖中得到

在宠物价值中成长

没有乡村比萨店 没有酒吧

没有苹果酒品酒室 除了我的

家人还有几个白人

这一切都改变了

宠物价值正在高档化

这是当绅士

中产阶级搬到一个低收入的社区时

公共和私人投资水平

佩特沃斯的中产阶级化只是

因为它首先经历了

撤资,这是

指佩特沃斯

失去了公共和私人投资的事实,

你看到房地产开发商

在 20 世纪初建立了佩特沃斯作为一个全白人社区

,当时我 1976 年全家搬到佩特沃斯

几乎所有离开

佩特沃斯的白人仍然是中产阶级,

但现在主要是黑人

当我 1978 年在我们附近的学校就读幼儿园时,我正在经历减资

我是那所学校的两个白人孩子之一,

另一个白人 孩子 我

二年级的时候我的兄弟 ian

我转学到一所新学校

,那里只有一个handfu l

不是白人的学生

我的新学校铺

了地毯 图书馆里装满了书和美丽的

操场 我的旧学校有

油毡地板

一个稀疏的

图书馆 我们在课间休息时和

老师一起绕着街区走一排

我度过了我剩下的童年

从我

在岩石溪公园以东的主要黑人社区乘公共汽车到公园

以西的主要白人学校

莫妮克和我曾经为

她的祖母买烟的酒品店

,后来又为我们自己买烟,

然后我们骑车经过殡仪馆

,在那里我参加了艾丽卡的葬礼,

因为她在公园另一边的一次驾车射击中被枪杀

。 是绿树成荫的街道上的房屋,

偶尔

慢跑公共汽车的白人并没有转入康涅狄格

大道,

但如果转入康涅狄格大道,它就会

经过政治和专业书店

的面包 和巧克力面包店和

帕台农神庙希腊餐厅

我最早的记忆之一

是与父亲一起参加五月天游行,

并高呼

世界各地的亚洲拉丁黑人和白人工人与激进主义父母团结起来。我

从小就很清楚

种族主义和 资本主义

,你可能不会

对得知我

是种族主义资本主义和法律实验室的创始人

以及加利福尼亚大学默塞德分校的社会学教授感到惊讶,

尽管我广泛反对 种族主义

教育

我不知道种族主义政策如何

影响我长大的社区,

直到我

在 prologue dc 遇到历史学家的工作我才知道

宠物价值中的种族隔离始于

使用种族契约契约

这些契约是线条 在

阅读

此房屋的契约中,不得将其出售或出租给

黑人房地产行业

和白人房主使用这些契约

来阻止非洲裔美国人 ns 从

搬入 Petworth 直到 1948

年最高法院裁定这些

盟约在法院判决中不具有法律效力

黑人可以搬入 Petworth 第一批搬入 Petworth 的黑人之一是一位

名叫 clarence d Hinton 的医生

Hinton 博士知道他的白人邻居可能会

试图阻止他搬进这个

全是白人的社区,

所以

当邻居们意识到

一个黑人家庭要搬进来时,他就找了一个白人代表他谈判出售。

为了

防止印度教徒搬进来,

这并没有阻止 Hinton 博士在一代人

之内将他的家人搬进他的新家

当一个黑人家庭搬进一个

全是白人的社区时,几乎所有白人邻居都会离开 房地产经纪人

认为这是一个获利的机会

房地产经纪人使用 吓唬

白人家庭卖掉他们的房子

并在邻居变成房地产经纪人之前离开的恐吓策略,

然后他们会买下这些

房子 将他们告诉黑人以获取可观的

利润

这种做法被称为轰动一时 它

发生在整个城市并造成

白人逃亡 在 1950 年至 1970 年之间,

当黑人家庭搬到

佩特沃斯时,华盛顿特区的一半白人居民离开了这座城市 白人家庭逃到了

郊区 房地产业和

联邦政府共同努力

,使郊区保持

白色联邦住房管理局

建议银行不要

在非裔美国人居住的地区发放贷款,因为

这些不是好的投资

这种做法被称为红线,

因为黑人居住的地区

被涂成红色 在彩色地图上,

种族隔离并非偶然,

而是种族

限制公约阻止

红线和白人逃亡

的直接结果。随着政府撤资,fha 认为投资于黑人

社区是一个糟糕的投资选择的观念

变成了一个自我实现

的预言 随着白人家庭搬到城市,这座城市

的私营部门

也是如此

到 1990 年,

郊区的

工作也是

如此 维持生计的市场

开裂是有利可图的 1991 年发生的地盘战争和枪支

暴力

华盛顿特区的凶杀

率居全国

之首 这座城市对这场悲剧的反应

是到 20 世纪末将警察人数增加一倍

华盛顿特区的凶杀率最高

世界上

的监禁率 这个国家的首都成为监禁方面的世界

领先者

这场

灾难触动了我最亲密的

女友

monique

maralaka 和 tracy

的生活

高中时每个周末都死于枪伤的莫里斯我会

从我家步行两个街区到

马塔拉卡 穿衣服的家

去 ibex 地铁俱乐部

或黑洞听 dc 著名的

go-go 乐队之一,

她的小弟弟 ollo 总是

对我们的服装有话要说,

这些服装总是短而紧,

色彩鲜艳 毕竟 80 年代

我不介意 alo 的戏弄,因为他总是

用老旧的笑容来取笑我们,

我对 allo 的每一个记忆都是关于他

在我研究生一年级时微笑的

alo 被残忍地谋杀了

tracy 非常自豪 当

我搬进宿舍两年后上大学时,

她的哥哥马克是我认识的最聪明

、最酷的家伙

,他被关进监狱,在那里他面临

无期徒刑,

莫妮克在她祖母去世后卖掉了她

祖母的家 特雷西的兄弟马克被捕时,六居室的

房屋被取消抵押品赎回权

,联邦政府使用资产

没收法没收了

特雷西的祖父在

1950

年代购买的黑人中产阶级的财产

居民使高档化

成为可能 投资者

购买贬值的房屋变得有利可图 丧失抵押品赎回权的

房屋和没收的财产

为新人创造新房

撤资

加上低房价 创纪录的

低利率和税收优惠

使宠物价值

在数十年的放弃后对投资者具有吸引力

撤资 再投资

在 2016 年盈利 一家房地产公司的

宠物价值在全国排名第一,

投资者可以从

平均每笔销售利润超过 300 美元的房屋中获得利润

再投资并不能消除

撤资

的暴力 你准备好迎接六-

遗憾的是,没有六点

政策计划 没有任何

政策可以归还华盛顿特区因凶杀案而丧生的 4 000 人

没有任何

政策可以归还

从我们社区

偷走的人类潜力 今天

因毒品犯罪被判

无期徒刑 ost 和我一起长大的人无法

负担得起宠物的生活,

他们就读于不投资的学校,这

使得高中毕业

变得困难

,大学毕业更具

挑战性,他们的亲人死于凶杀

,监狱系统

使青年时期的繁荣

变得困难

有 当然,

matalaka 最小的妹妹 ezewine 是一名

医生,

她能够将失去兄弟的悲惨经历

转化

为完成医学学位所需的动力。

我小时候在佩特沃斯的一个家

今天几乎所有佩特沃斯的居民都是黑人

当白人搬进

来黑人搬出去时,不到一半的人房价上涨

你知道,当白人搬进种族主义时,房价上涨是有一个原因的

资本主义完全赋予房屋价值的原因之一

用高档

餐厅代替外卖无济于事

消除种族主义或资本主义

种族主义和资本主义要求我们提出

一系列新的和不同的问题,

例如如果我们投资于人而不是

监狱会

怎样,如果住房是人权

而不是商品会

怎样 我们社会的成员,

我邀请您和我

以及像安吉拉·戴维斯·

鲁西·威尔逊·吉尔摩和米里亚姆·卡巴这样的废奴主义者一起构想

和建立一个运动,以建立一个

像ezewine 这样的年轻女性可以

蓬勃发展的世界,而无需深井的

复原力

年轻黑人男性的潜力 马库斯没有被

浪费

芦荟和莫里斯这样的生活不会以暴力结束的

地方黑人

生命很

重要的世界

谢谢你