Gary Haugen The hidden reason for poverty the world needs to address now

To be honest, by personality,

I’m just not much of a crier.

But I think in my career
that’s been a good thing.

I’m a civil rights lawyer,

and I’ve seen some
horrible things in the world.

I began my career working
police abuse cases in the United States.

And then in 1994, I was sent to Rwanda

to be the director of the U.N.’s
genocide investigation.

It turns out that tears
just aren’t much help

when you’re trying
to investigate a genocide.

The things I had to see,
and feel and touch

were pretty unspeakable.

What I can tell you is this:

that the Rwandan genocide

was one of the world’s
greatest failures of simple compassion.

That word, compassion, actually
comes from two Latin words:

cum passio, which simply mean
“to suffer with.”

And the things that I saw and experienced

in Rwanda as I got up close
to human suffering,

it did, in moments, move me to tears.

But I just wish that I,
and the rest of the world,

had been moved earlier.

And not just to tears,

but to actually stop the genocide.

Now by contrast, I’ve also been involved

with one of the world’s greatest
successes of compassion.

And that’s the fight against
global poverty.

It’s a cause that probably
has involved all of us here.

I don’t know if your first introduction

might have been choruses of
“We Are the World,”

or maybe the picture of a sponsored child
on your refrigerator door,

or maybe the birthday you
donated for fresh water.

I don’t really remember what my first
introduction to poverty was

but I do remember the most jarring.

It was when I met Venus –

she’s a mom from Zambia.

She’s got three kids and she’s a widow.

When I met her, she had walked
about 12 miles

in the only garments she owned,

to come to the capital city
and to share her story.

She sat down with me for hours,

just ushered me in to
the world of poverty.

She described what it was like
when the coals on the cooking fire

finally just went completely cold.

When that last drop
of cooking oil finally ran out.

When the last of the food,
despite her best efforts,

ran out.

She had to watch her youngest son, Peter,

suffer from malnutrition,

as his legs just slowly bowed
into uselessness.

As his eyes grew cloudy and dim.

And then as Peter finally grew cold.

For over 50 years, stories like this
have been moving us to compassion.

We whose kids have plenty to eat.

And we’re moved not only
to care about global poverty,

but to actually try to do our part
to stop the suffering.

Now there’s plenty of room for critique
that we haven’t done enough,

and what it is that we’ve done
hasn’t been effective enough,

but the truth is this:

The fight against global poverty
is probably the broadest,

longest running manifestation of the
human phenomenon of compassion

in the history of our species.

And so I’d like to share
a pretty shattering insight

that might forever change the way
you think about that struggle.

But first, let me begin with what
you probably already know.

Thirty-five years ago, when I would have
been graduating from high school,

they told us that 40,000 kids every day
died because of poverty.

That number, today, is now
down to 17,000.

Way too many, of course,

but it does mean that every year,

there’s eight million kids who
don’t have to die from poverty.

Moreover, the number of
people in our world

who are living in extreme poverty,

which is defined as living off
about a dollar and a quarter a day,

that has fallen from 50 percent,

to only 15 percent.

This is massive progress,

and this exceeds everybody’s
expectations about what is possible.

And I think you and I,

I think, honestly, that we can
feel proud and encouraged

to see the way that compassion
actually has the power

to succeed in stopping
the suffering of millions.

But here’s the part that you
might not hear very much about.

If you move that poverty mark just
up to two dollars a day,

it turns out that virtually
the same two billion people

who were stuck in that harsh poverty
when I was in high school,

are still stuck there,

35 years later.

So why, why are so many billions
still stuck in such harsh poverty?

Well, let’s think about
Venus for a moment.

Now for decades, my wife and I have been
moved by common compassion

to sponsor kids, to fund microloans,

to support generous levels of foreign aid.

But until I had actually talked to Venus,

I would have had no idea that
none of those approaches

actually addressed why she had
to watch her son die.

“We were doing fine,” Venus told me,

“until Brutus started to cause trouble.”

Now, Brutus is Venus' neighbor
and “cause trouble”

is what happened the day after
Venus' husband died,

when Brutus just came and threw
Venus and the kids out of the house,

stole all their land, and robbed
their market stall.

You see, Venus was thrown
into destitution by violence.

And then it occurred to me, of course,

that none of my child sponsorships,
none of the microloans,

none of the traditional
anti-poverty programs

were going to stop Brutus,

because they weren’t meant to.

This became even more clear
to me when I met Griselda.

She’s a marvelous young girl
living in a very poor community

in Guatemala.

And one of the things
we’ve learned over the years

is that perhaps the most powerful thing

that Griselda and her family can do

to get Griselda and her family
out of poverty

is to make sure that she goes to school.

The experts call this the Girl Effect.

But when we met Griselda,
she wasn’t going to school.

In fact, she was rarely ever
leaving her home.

Days before we met her,

while she was walking home
from church with her family,

in broad daylight,

men from her community
just snatched her off the street,

and violently raped her.

See, Griselda had every
opportunity to go to school,

it just wasn’t safe for her to get there.

And Griselda’s not the only one.

Around the world, poor women and girls

between the ages of 15 and 44,

they are – when victims of
the everyday violence

of domestic abuse and sexual violence –

those two forms of violence account
for more death and disability

than malaria, than car accidents,
than war combined.

The truth is, the poor of our world
are trapped in whole systems of violence.

In South Asia, for instance,
I could drive past this rice mill

and see this man hoisting
these 100-pound sacks

of rice upon his thin back.

But I would have no idea, until later,

that he was actually a slave,

held by violence in that rice mill
since I was in high school.

Decades of anti-poverty programs
right in his community

were never able to rescue him
or any of the hundred other slaves

from the beatings and the rapes
and the torture

of violence inside the rice mill.

In fact, half a century of
anti-poverty programs

have left more poor people in slavery

than in any other time in human history.

Experts tell us that there’s about
35 million people in slavery today.

That’s about the population
of the entire nation of Canada,

where we’re sitting today.

This is why, over time, I have come
to call this epidemic of violence

the Locust Effect.

Because in the lives of the poor,
it just descends like a plague

and it destroys everything.

In fact, now when you survey
very, very poor communities,

residents will tell you that their
greatest fear is violence.

But notice the violence that they fear

is not the violence of
genocide or the wars,

it’s everyday violence.

So for me, as a lawyer, of course,
my first reaction was to think,

well, of course we’ve
got to change all the laws.

We’ve got to make all this violence
against the poor illegal.

But then I found out, it already is.

The problem is not that
the poor don’t get laws,

it’s that they don’t get law enforcement.

In the developing world,

basic law enforcement systems
are so broken

that recently the U.N. issued
a report that found

that “most poor people live
outside the protection of the law.”

Now honestly, you and I have
just about no idea

of what that would mean

because we have no
first-hand experience of it.

Functioning law enforcement for us
is just a total assumption.

In fact, nothing expresses that assumption
more clearly than three simple numbers:

9-1-1,

which, of course, is the number
for the emergency police operator

here in Canada and in the United States,

where the average response time
to a police 911 emergency call

is about 10 minutes.

So we take this just
completely for granted.

But what if there was no
law enforcement to protect you?

A woman in Oregon recently
experienced what this would be like.

She was home alone in her
dark house on a Saturday night,

when a man started to tear
his way into her home.

This was her worst nightmare,

because this man had actually put her
in the hospital from an assault

just two weeks before.

So terrified, she picks up that phone
and does what any of us would do:

She calls 911 –

but only to learn that because
of budget cuts in her county,

law enforcement wasn’t available
on the weekends.

Listen.

Dispatcher: I don’t have anybody
to send out there.

Woman: OK

Dispatcher: Um, obviously if he comes
inside the residence and assaults you,

can you ask him to go away?

Or do you know if
he is intoxicated or anything?

Woman: I’ve already asked him.
I’ve already told him I was calling you.

He’s broken in before,
busted down my door, assaulted me.

Dispatcher: Uh-huh.

Woman: Um, yeah, so …

Dispatcher: Is there any way you could
safely leave the residence?

Woman: No, I can’t, because he’s blocking
pretty much my only way out.

Dispatcher: Well, the only thing I can do
is give you some advice,

and call the sheriff’s office tomorrow.

Obviously, if he comes in and
unfortunately has a weapon

or is trying to cause you physical harm,
that’s a different story.

You know, the sheriff’s office
doesn’t work up there.

I don’t have anybody to send."

Gary Haugen: Tragically, the woman
inside that house

was violently assaulted, choked and raped

because this is what it means to live
outside the rule of law.

And this is where billions
of our poorest live.

What does that look like?

In Bolivia, for example, if a man
sexually assaults a poor child,

statistically, he’s at greater risk
of slipping in the shower and dying

than he is of ever going
to jail for that crime.

In South Asia, if you
enslave a poor person,

you’re at greater risk of being
struck by lightning

than ever being sent
to jail for that crime.

And so the epidemic of everyday
violence, it just rages on.

And it devastates our efforts to try
to help billions of people

out of their two-dollar-a-day hell.

Because the data just doesn’t lie.

It turns out that you can give
all manner of goods and services

to the poor,

but if you don’t restrain the hands
of the violent bullies

from taking it all away,

you’re going to be very disappointed
in the long-term impact of your efforts.

So you would think that the disintegration
of basic law enforcement

in the developing world
would be a huge priority

for the global fight against poverty.

But it’s not.

Auditors of international assistance
recently couldn’t find

even one percent of aid going
to protect the poor

from the lawless chaos
of everyday violence.

And honestly, when we do talk about
violence against the poor,

sometimes it’s in the weirdest of ways.

A fresh water organization tells
a heart-wrenching story

of girls who are raped on the way
to fetching water,

and then celebrates
the solution of a new well

that drastically shortens their walk.

End of story.

But not a word about the rapists who
are still right there in the community.

If a young woman on one
of our college campuses

was raped on her walk to the library,

we would never celebrate the solution
of moving the library closer to the dorm.

And yet, for some reason,
this is okay for poor people.

Now the truth is, the traditional experts

in economic development
and poverty alleviation,

they don’t know how to fix this problem.

And so what happens?

They don’t talk about it.

But the more fundamental reason

that law enforcement for the poor
in the developing world

is so neglected,

is because the people inside
the developing world, with money,

don’t need it.

I was at the World Economic
Forum not long ago

talking to corporate executives who have
massive businesses in the developing world

and I was just asking them,

“How do you guys protect all your people
and property from all the violence?”

And they looked at each other,
and they said, practically in unison,

“We buy it.”

Indeed, private security forces
in the developing world

are now, four, five and seven times
larger than the public police force.

In Africa, the largest employer
on the continent now is private security.

But see, the rich can pay for safety
and can keep getting richer,

but the poor can’t pay for it
and they’re left totally unprotected

and they keep getting thrown
to the ground.

This is a massive and scandalous outrage.

And it doesn’t have to be this way.

Broken law enforcement can be fixed.

Violence can be stopped.

Almost all criminal justice systems,

they start out broken and corrupt,

but they can be transformed
by fierce effort and commitment.

The path forward is really pretty clear.

Number one: We have to start making

stopping violence indispensable
to the fight against poverty.

In fact, any conversation
about global poverty

that doesn’t include the problem
of violence must be deemed not serious.

And secondly, we have to begin
to seriously invest resources

and share expertise to support
the developing world

as they fashion new,
public systems of justice,

not private security,

that give everybody a chance to be safe.

These transformations
are actually possible

and they’re happening today.

Recently, the Gates Foundation
funded a project

in the second largest city
of the Philippines,

where local advocates
and local law enforcement

were able to transform corrupt police
and broken courts so drastically,

that in just four short years,

they were able to measurably reduce

the commercial sexual violence
against poor kids by 79 percent.

You know, from the hindsight of history,

what’s always most inexplicable
and inexcusable

are the simple failures of compassion.

Because I think history convenes
a tribunal of our grandchildren

and they just ask us,

“Grandma, Grandpa, where were you?

Where were you, Grandpa, when
the Jews were fleeing Nazi Germany

and were being rejected from our shores?

Where were you?

And Grandma, where were you
when they were marching

our Japanese-American neighbors
off to internment camps?

And Grandpa, where were you
when they were beating

our African-American neighbors

just because they were trying
to register to vote?”

Likewise, when our grandchildren ask us,

“Grandma, Grandpa, where were you

when two billion of the world’s poorest
were drowning in a lawless chaos

of everyday violence?”

I hope we can say that we had compassion,
that we raised our voice,

and as a generation, we were moved
to make the violence stop.

Thank you very much.

(Applause)

Chris Anderson: Really powerfully argued.

Talk to us a bit about
some of the things

that have actually been happening to,
for example, boost police training.

How hard a process is that?

GH: Well, one of the glorious
things that’s starting to happen now

is that the collapse of these systems
and the consequences are becoming obvious.

There’s actually, now,
political will to do that.

But it just requires now an investment
of resources and transfer of expertise.

There’s a political will struggle
that’s going to take place as well,

but those are winnable fights,

because we’ve done some examples
around the world

at International Justice Mission
that are very encouraging.

CA: So just tell us in one country,
how much it costs

to make a material difference
to police, for example –

I know that’s only one piece of it.

GH: In Guatemala, for instance,
we’ve started a project there

with the local police
and court system, prosecutors,

to retrain them so that they can
actually effectively bring these cases.

And we’ve seen prosecutions against
perpetrators of sexual violence

increase by more than 1,000 percent.

This project has been very modestly funded
at about a million dollars a year,

and the kind of bang
you can get for your buck

in terms of leveraging
a criminal justice system

that could function if it were properly
trained and motivated and led,

and these countries,
especially a middle class

that is seeing that there’s
really no future

with this total instability and
total privatization of security

I think there’s an opportunity,
a window for change.

CA: But to make this happen, you have
to look at each part in the chain –

the police, who else?

GH: So that’s the thing
about law enforcement,

it starts out with the police,

they’re the front end
of the pipeline of justice,

but they hand if off to the prosecutors,

and the prosecutors
hand it off to the courts,

and the survivors of violence
have to be supported by social services

all the way through that.

So you have to do an approach
that pulls that all together.

In the past, there’s been a little bit
of training of the courts,

but they get crappy evidence
from the police,

or a little police intervention
that has to do with narcotics or terrorism

but nothing to do with treating
the common poor person

with excellent law enforcement,

so it’s about pulling that all together,

and you can actually have people
in very poor communities

experience law enforcement like us,

which is imperfect in our
own experience, for sure,

but boy, is it a great thing to sense
that you can call 911

and maybe someone will protect you.

CA: Gary, I think you’ve done
a spectacular job

of bringing this to the world’s attention

in your book and right here today.

Thanks so much.

Gary Haugen.

(Applause)

老实说,就性格而言,

我只是不太爱哭。

但我认为在我的职业生涯中
这是一件好事。

我是一名民权律师

,我见过
世界上一些可怕的事情。

我的职业生涯始于
在美国处理警察虐待案件。

然后在 1994 年,我被派往

卢旺达担任联合国
种族灭绝调查的主任。

事实证明,当你试图调查种族灭绝时,
眼泪并没有多大帮助

我必须看到的东西
,感觉和触摸

是非常难以形容的。

我可以告诉你的是

:卢旺达种族灭绝

是世界上
单纯同情的最大失败之一。

同情这个词实际上
来自两个拉丁词:

cum passio,意思是
“忍受痛苦”。

当我
接近人类苦难时

,我在卢旺达看到和经历的事情,确实让我感动落泪。

但我只希望我
和世界其他人

早点被感动。

不仅要流泪,

还要真正制止种族灭绝。

相比之下,我也参与

了世界上最伟大的
慈悲成就之一。

这就是与全球贫困作斗争

这是一个
可能涉及我们所有人的原因。

我不知道您的第一个介绍

可能是
“我们是世界”的合唱,

或者可能是您冰箱门上受资助儿童的照片

或者可能是您
为淡水捐赠的生日。

我真的不记得我
对贫困的第一次介绍是什么,

但我确实记得最刺耳的。

那是我遇到维纳斯的时候——

她是一位来自赞比亚的妈妈。

她有三个孩子,她是寡妇。

当我遇到她时,她

穿着她仅有的衣服走了大约 12 英里,

来到首都
并分享她的故事。

她和我坐了几个小时,

只是把我带进
了贫穷的世界。

她描述了
当炉火上的煤

最终完全变冷时的感觉。

当最后
一滴食用油终于用完了。

当最后的食物,
尽管她尽了最大的努力,

用完了。

她不得不眼睁睁地看着她最小的儿子彼得

营养不良,

因为他的双腿慢慢地弯曲
成无用的状态。

随着他的眼睛变得混浊和昏暗。

然后彼得终于变冷了。

50 多年来,像这样的故事
一直让我们感到同情。

我们的孩子有很多吃的。

我们不仅
要关心全球贫困,

而且要切实尽自己的一份力量
来制止苦难。

现在有足够的空间来
批评我们做得不够

,我们所做的
还不够有效,

但事实是

:与全球贫困作斗争
可能是最广泛、

持续时间最长的表现
人类

历史上同情的人类现象。

所以我想分享
一个非常令人震惊的见解

,它可能会永远改变
你对这场斗争的看法。

但首先,让我从
你可能已经知道的开始。

三十五年前,当
我高中毕业时,

他们告诉我们,每天有 40,000 名儿童
死于贫困。

今天,这个数字已
降至 17,000 人。

太多了,当然,

但这确实意味着每年

有 800 万儿童
不必死于贫困。

此外,
我们

世界上生活在极端贫困中的人数,


每天靠大约一美元零四分之一的生活费,

从 50% 下降

到只有 15%。

这是巨大的进步

,超出了每个人
对可能发生的事情的期望。

我认为你和我

,老实说,

看到慈悲
实际上有

能力成功地阻止
数百万人的痛苦,我们会感到自豪和鼓舞。

但这是您
可能不太了解的部分。

如果你把这个贫困线
提高到每天两美元,

结果证明,在我上高中时,
几乎同样的 20 亿

人仍然被困在那里,

35 年后。

那么为什么,为什么这么多亿人
仍然陷于如此严重的贫困之中呢?

好吧,让我们想一想
金星。

几十年来,我和妻子
被共同的同情心所感动,

他们资助孩子,资助小额贷款

,支持慷慨的外国援助。

但在我真正与维纳斯交谈之前,

我不会知道
这些方法都没有

真正解决她为什么
要看着她儿子死去的原因。

“我们做得很好,”维纳斯告诉我,

“直到布鲁图斯开始制造麻烦。”

现在,布鲁图斯是维纳斯的邻居
,“惹事”

是维纳斯的丈夫去世后的第二天

,布鲁图斯刚刚过来把
维纳斯和孩子们赶出家门,

偷走了他们所有的土地,抢劫了
他们的市场摊位。

你看,维纳斯
因暴力而陷入贫困。

然后我突然想到,当然,

我的孩子赞助、
小额贷款、

传统
的反贫困计划

都不会阻止布鲁图斯,

因为它们不是故意的。

当我遇到 Griselda 时,这对我来说变得更加清楚。

她是一个了不起的年轻女孩,
生活在危地马拉一个非常贫穷的社区

多年来我们学到的一

件事

是,格里塞尔达和她的家人可以做

的让格里塞尔达和她的家人
摆脱贫困的最有力的

事情就是确保她上学。

专家称之为女孩效应。

但是当我们遇到格里塞尔达时,
她没有去上学。

事实上,她很少
离开家。

在我们见到她的前几天,


她和家人一起从教堂步行回家时

,光天化日之下,

她所在社区的男人
刚刚将她从街上抢走,

并暴力强奸了她。

看,格里塞尔达有
机会去上学

,只是她去那里并不安全。

格里塞尔达并不是唯一一个。

在世界各地,

年龄在 15 至 44 岁之间的贫困妇女和女孩

——当她们
成为日常暴力

的家庭虐待和性暴力的受害者

时——这两种形式的暴力造成的
死亡和残疾

比疟疾和汽车还多 事故,
比战争加起来还要多。

事实是,我们世界的穷人
被困在整个暴力系统中。

例如,在南亚,
我可以开车经过这个碾米厂

,看到这个人把
这些 100 磅重

的大米袋扛在他瘦弱的背上。

但直到后来,我才

知道他实际上是一个奴隶,

从我上高中开始就被那个碾米厂的暴力关押。 他所在社区

数十年的反贫困计划

从未能够将他
或其他数百名奴隶中的任何一个

从碾米厂内的殴打、强奸

暴力折磨中解救出来。

事实上,半个世纪的
反贫困

计划使更多的穷人成为奴隶,

比人类历史上任何时候都多。

专家告诉我们,今天大约有
3500 万人处于奴隶制状态。

这大约是我们今天所在
的加拿大整个国家的人口

这就是为什么随着时间的推移,
我将这种暴力流行病

称为蝗虫效应。

因为在穷人的生活中,
它就像瘟疫一样降临

,摧毁一切。

事实上,现在当你调查
非常非常贫困的社区时,

居民会告诉你,他们
最害怕的是暴力。

但请注意,他们害怕

的暴力不是
种族灭绝或战争

的暴力,而是日常暴力。

所以对我来说,作为一名律师,
我的第一反应当然是想,

好吧,我们当然
必须改变所有的法律。

我们必须将所有
针对穷人的暴力行为定为非法。

但后来我发现,已经是了。

问题不
在于穷人没有法律,

而是他们没有执法。

在发展中世界,

基本的执法
系统如此破碎

,以至于联合国最近发布
了一份报告,

发现“大多数穷人生活
在法律的保护之外”。

老实说,你和
我几乎不

知道这意味着什么,

因为我们没有
第一手经验。

对我们
来说,有效的执法只是一个总体假设。

事实上,没有什么
比三个简单的数字更清楚地表达这个假设的了:

9-1-1

,当然,这是加拿大和美国
紧急警察操作员的数字

那里对警察的平均响应时间
911 紧急

呼叫大约需要 10 分钟。

所以我们认为这
完全是理所当然的。

但是,如果没有
执法部门来保护你怎么办?

俄勒冈州的一位女士最近
经历了这种情况。 星期六晚上,

她独自一人在她
黑暗的房子里

,一个男人开始
闯入她的家。

这是她最可怕的噩梦,

因为这个男人实际上已经把她
从两周前的一次袭击中送进了医院

太害怕了,她拿起电话
,做了我们都会做的事情:

她拨打了 911——

但只是得知由于
她所在县的预算削减,

周末无法执法。

听。

调度员:我没有人
可以派出去。

女:好的

调度员:嗯,很明显如果他
进屋打你,

你能叫他走开吗?

或者你
知道他是不是喝醉了?

女:我已经问过了。
我已经告诉他我在给你打电话。

他以前闯入过,
闯入我的门,袭击了我。

调度员:嗯。

女:嗯,是的,所以……

调度员:有什么办法可以
安全离开住所吗?

女人:不,我不能,因为他
几乎挡住了我唯一的出路。

调度员:嗯,我唯一能做的
就是给你一些建议

,明天打电话给警长办公室。

显然,如果他进来时
不幸携带武器

或试图对你造成身体伤害,
那就另当别论了。

你知道,治安官办公室
不在那里工作。

加里·豪根(Gary Haugen):可悲的是,
那所房子里的女人

遭到了暴力袭击、窒息和强奸,

因为这就是生活
在法治之外的意义

。这就是
我们数十亿最贫穷的人生活的地方 .

那看起来像什么?

例如,在玻利维亚,如果一名男子对
一个贫穷的孩子进行性侵犯,从

统计上看,他
在淋浴时滑倒和死亡的风险

比他
因犯罪入狱的风险更大。

在南亚 ,如果你
奴役一个穷人,


被闪电击中的风险


因犯罪被送进监狱的风险更大

。因此,日常暴力的流行
,它只会肆虐

。它破坏了我们
试图 帮助数十亿人

摆脱每天两美元的地狱。

因为数据不会说谎。

事实证明,您可以向穷人提供
各种商品和服务

但如果您不克制 从
暴力恶霸

手中夺走一切,

你会非常失望
的 你努力的长期影响。

所以你会认为发展中国家
基本执法的瓦解

将是

全球消除贫困的一个重要优先事项。

但事实并非如此。

国际援助的审计人员
最近甚至找不到

1% 的援助
用于保护穷人

免受
日常暴力造成的无法无天的混乱。

老实说,当我们确实谈论
针对穷人的暴力行为时,

有时它是以最奇怪的方式。

一个淡水组织讲述
了一个令人心碎的故事

,女孩在取水的路上被强奸

然后庆祝
一口

大大缩短了她们步行路程的新井的解决。

故事结局。

但对
仍然存在于社区中的强奸犯只字未提。

如果
我们大学校园里的一名年轻女子在

去图书馆的路上被强奸,

我们永远不会庆祝
将图书馆搬到更靠近宿舍的解决方案。

然而,出于某种原因,
这对穷人来说是可以的。

现在的事实是,传统

的经济发展
和扶贫专家,

他们不知道如何解决这个问题。

那么会发生什么?

他们不谈论它。

但发展中国家

的穷人执法

如此被忽视的更

根本原因是,
发展中国家的人民有钱,

不需要它。 不久前,

我在世界经济
论坛

上与在发展中国家拥有大量业务的企业高管交谈

,我只是问他们,

“你们如何保护所有的
人和财产免受所有暴力侵害?”

他们互相看了看
,几乎异口同声地说:

“我们买。”

事实上,发展中国家的私人安全部队

现在
是公共警察部队的四倍、五倍和七倍。

在非洲,
现在非洲大陆最大的雇主是私人保安。

但是请注意,富人可以为安全买单,
并且可以继续变得更富有,

但穷人无法为此买单
,他们完全没有保护

,他们一直被
扔在地上。

这是一个巨大而可耻的暴行。

它不必是这样的。

破坏执法可以修复。

暴力是可以制止的。

几乎所有的刑事司法系统,一

开始都是破碎和腐败的,

但它们可以
通过激烈的努力和承诺而改变。

前进的道路真的很清晰。

第一:我们必须

开始使制止暴力成为消除贫困的必要条件。

事实上,任何不包括暴力问题的
关于全球贫困的谈话


必须被认为是不严肃的。

其次,我们必须
开始认真投入资源

和分享专业知识,以支持

发展中国家建立新的
公共司法系统,

而不是私人安保系统,

让每个人都有机会获得安全。

这些
转变实际上是可能的

,并且正在今天发生。

最近,盖茨基金会

在菲律宾第二
大城市资助了一个项目,

当地倡导者
和当地执法

部门能够如此彻底地改造腐败的警察
和破坏法庭,

以至于在短短四年内,

他们能够显着减少

针对贫困儿童的商业性暴力行为减少了 79%。

要知道,事后回顾历史,

最莫名其妙
、最不可原谅的

,就是简单的慈悲失败。

因为我认为历史
为我们的孙子们召集了一个法庭

,他们只是问我们,

“奶奶,爷爷,你

在哪里?爷爷,
当犹太人逃离纳粹德国

并被我们的海岸拒绝时,

你在哪里?你在哪里?

奶奶,当他们

把我们的日裔美国人
邻居带到拘留营的时候

,你在哪里?爷爷,
当他们因为

我们的非裔美国人邻居

试图登记投票而殴打他们时,你在哪里?

同样,当我们的孙子们问我们:

“奶奶,爷爷,

当世界上 20 亿最贫穷的
人淹没在日常暴力的无法无天的混乱

中时,你在哪里?”

我希望我们可以说我们有同情心
,我们提高了声音

,作为一代人,我们为
制止暴力而感动。

非常感谢你。

(掌声)

克里斯·安德森(Chris Anderson):非常有力地争论。

和我们谈谈

一些实际发生的事情,
例如,加强警察培训。

这是一个多么艰难的过程?

GH:嗯,
现在开始发生的一件光荣的事情

是这些系统的崩溃
和后果变得越来越明显。

实际上,现在有
这样做的政治意愿。

但它现在只需要
资源投资和专业知识转让。

也将发生政治意愿斗争

但这些都是可以获胜的斗争,

因为我们

在国际正义使团在世界各地做
了一些非常令人鼓舞的例子。

CA:所以只要告诉我们在一个国家

,例如,对警察产生重大影响需要多少成本——

我知道这只是其中的一部分。

GH:例如,在危地马拉,
我们

与当地警察
和法院系统、检察官一起启动了一个项目,

对他们进行再培训,以便他们能够
有效地处理这些案件。

我们已经看到对
性暴力肇事者的起诉

增加了 1,000% 以上。

这个项目每年获得的资金非常有限
,大约为 100 万美元,

而在

利用刑事司法系统方面

,如果得到适当的
培训、激励和领导,您可以获得的收益是可以发挥作用的,

而这些国家 ,
尤其是中产阶级

,他们看到

这种完全的不稳定和
安全的完全私有化真的没有未来,

我认为这是一个机会,
一个改变的窗口。

CA:但要做到这一点,你
必须审视链条中的每一部分

——警察,还有谁?

GH:这就是
执法方面的事情

,从警察开始,

他们是
司法管道的前端,

但他们将如果交给检察官

,检察官
将其交给法院,

然后 暴力幸存者在

整个过程中必须得到社会服务的支持。

因此,您必须
采取一种将所有这些结合在一起的方法。

过去,对法院进行了
一些培训,

但他们从警察那里得到了蹩脚的证据

或者
与毒品或恐怖主义有关

但与

以良好的法律对待普通穷人无关的警察干预 执法,

所以这是关于将所有这些整合在一起

,实际上你可以
让非常贫困社区的人们

像我们一样经历执法,

这在我们
自己的经验中当然

是不完美的,但是男孩,
感觉到你可以 拨打 911

,也许有人会保护你。

CA:加里,我认为你在你的书中和今天在这里

将这一点引起了全世界的关注,这是一项了不起的工作

非常感谢。

加里·豪根。

(掌声)