How protest is redefining democracy around the world Zachariah Mampilly

Like many of you, I’m often frustrated
by the democratic process.

It’s messy, it’s complicated,

it’s often inefficient.

Our political leaders feel disconnected

from the concerns of ordinary people.

Many feel that voting every few years

for leaders disconnected
from their daily challenges

is pointless.

But before we reject democracy,

let’s imagine what it could be.

And I believe that African activists
are redefining democracy

by putting protest at its center,

what I refer to as “protest democracy.”

International organizations
and academic experts

define democracy as regular,
multiparty electoral competition.

But democracy should not only be
about elites competing at the ballot box.

For it to have meaning,

it’s something we must
engage in every day.

When I say “protest democracy,”

I’m challenging how we think
about democratic action.

Viewing democracy as only elections
is no longer adequate

and threatens democracy itself.

So we must protest democracy
to give it a renewed meaning.

What would this look like?

We need to turn to African societies,

where ordinary people
are increasingly taking to the streets

to transform their lives.

African social movements
have often been at the forefront

of conceptualizing democracy in this way.

This may come as a surprise
to those of who think

that the only way
Africans engage in politics

is through the barrel of the gun.

But increasingly, young people
are taking to the streets

and abandoning organized violence

in favor of more effective
nonviolent action.

I’ve spent much of the past two decades
talking to African activists,

both violent and nonviolent.

Across Africa, young people are rising up

to challenge almost every
type of regime known to humanity.

This is my friend Thiat.

He’s a rapper from Senegal.

He led a large movement in Senegal

that was successful in preventing
the president from stealing a third term.

From Morocco to Lesotho,

young people are rising up
against entrenched monarchies:

in Egypt and Sudan,

against brutal dictatorships;

in Uganda and Ethiopia,

against powerful militarized states

with quasi-democratic veneers;

in South Africa,
where this image was taken,

and Burundi,

against democratically elected leaders

who have done little to improve
the conditions for ordinary people.

Across the continent,
protest is not exceptional,

but a normal part of life.

Africans use protests
to challenge both dictators

as well as power cuts.

In a way, Africans are protesting
democracy itself,

enriching its possibilities for us all.

There have been two
major waves of African protest,

and we are currently living
through the third,

which began around 2005.

It includes the so-called Arab Spring,

which took place mostly on the continent.

The first wave took place
in the 1940s and 1950s

and led to Africa’s decolonization.

Kwame Nkrumah led
a broad coalition in Ghana

that overthrew British rule,

providing a template
for nonviolent movements globally.

The second wave took place
in the 1980s and 1990s

against austerity measures
that imposed harsh conditions

on African economies.

These protests led to the overthrow
of autocratic regimes

and led to the introduction

of multiparty elections
across the continent.

The ongoing third wave is correcting
the shortcomings of the earlier two.

If the first wave brought
liberation but not democracy,

and the second, elections
but only for the elites,

then it is the third wave

that is most concerned
with transforming democracy

into the rule of the people.

It includes movements
like Y’en a Marre in Senegal,

Le Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso,

Tajamuka in Zimbabwe,

LUCHA and Filimbi
in the Democratic Republic of Congo,

movements that work outside of more
conventional nongovernmental organizations

and political parties

to challenge the economic
and political system itself,

often at great risk.

Brilliant young activists
like LUCHA’s Fred Bauma

have been detained and tortured,

often with little to no outcry
from the international community.

The list goes on, as you can see
from some of the data we collected.

There have been large popular protests

in over 40 African countries since 2005,

and if you look,
you’ll recognize that in 2011,

the year of the so-called Arab Spring,

was actually the spike
of this broader wave.

Contrary to popular belief,

many of these protests
have been successful.

We know of the dictators falling
in Tunisia and in Egypt,

but popular movements have prevented
presidents from stealing third terms

in Senegal, in Malawi
and Burkina Faso as well.

What’s driving this upsurge of protest?

Demographically,
Africa is both the youngest

and the fastest-growing continent,

with the largest age gap
between the people and their rulers.

It is urbanizing at a tremendous pace.

Economically, African countries
have been growing for over a decade now,

largely driven by investments from Asia.

But little of this wealth
is trickling down.

Formal jobs in the industrial sector
are actually decreasing,

with informal labor the only option left
for people to eke out a living.

As a result, inequality is skyrocketing,

and political leaders
are increasingly disconnected

from their much younger populations.

For those of us from outside of Africa,

we’re familiar with parts of this story:

a massive spike in inequality,

the product of a decline
in good jobs for good wages

that were once considered
the hallmark of an advanced society;

the capture of our
political parties by elites

accompanied by the hollowing
out of civil society

that once provided a voice
to ordinary people;

that sinking feeling
that no matter what you do,

external factors related
to the global economy

can disrupt our lives for the worse.

Our political leaders seem helpless,

insisting on austerity,

even as public goods diminish
to levels unseen in decades.

And this is when they’re not succumbing
to exclusionary nationalism,

blaming our woes on the weak
rather than the powerful.

What those of us from North America
and Western Europe consider to be new

has been the normal condition
of African life since the 1970s.

So who better to learn from

than those who have been engaged
in resistance to these conditions

for the longest period of time?

What can we learn
from African protest democracy?

First, democracy must begin
with ordinary people.

Viewing democracy as only elections
has led to widespread disillusionment.

We must instead work to center
ordinary people in democratic life.

Protest provides us one way to do that.

Regardless of your age,
sexuality, your gender,

whether you’re a citizen or a non-citizen,
able-bodied or disabled,

anyone can participate.

In contrast to elections,

protests are not confined
by rigid electoral cycles.

They offer a much more
immediate form of action

in our era of instant feedback.

Second, while protests may be messy,

this is what makes them powerful.

Protests are contentious
and contested processes,

defined by contingent actions,

often devoid of clear messaging,

characterized by incomplete organization.

These dynamics are what makes it easy
to dismiss protests as riots

or to assume they are
of limited political utility.

But it also makes them easier to suppress.

Too often, governments do not view
protests as elementary to democracy.

Instead, they violently crush
social movements

or work to discredit their message.

Third, as I already hinted,

protest is the space from which
new political imaginations may emerge.

Protests are about coloring
outside the lines,

a way for ordinary people
to rewrite the rules of the game

that too many feel
are stacked against them.

Many young people in Africa
have grown up in societies

where a single ruler
has ruled their entire lives.

Protest is the space
for new possibilities to emerge,

as young people begin
to discover their own power.

Consider the situation
of my friend Linda Masarira,

a single mother of five,

who is leading protests
against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe.

She has been beaten, arrested, harassed.

But Linda perseveres, because
as she told me a few months ago,

protest has given her a sense
of meaning and direction.

And though she knows the odds against her,

Linda perseveres.

Like Linda and other
young African activists,

we all must work to redefine democracy

as something more than just
elections and political parties.

Democracy is a creative process,

and protest has always been the vehicle

for expanding our political imaginations
beyond what we are told is possible.

(In Swahili) Thank you very much.

(Applause)

像你们许多人一样,我经常
对民主进程感到沮丧。

它很混乱,很复杂,

而且通常效率低下。

我们的政治领导人感到与

普通民众的担忧脱节。

许多人认为,每隔几年就

为与日常挑战脱节的领导人投票

是没有意义的。

但在我们拒绝民主之前,

让我们想象一下它会是什么。

而且我相信非洲活动家
正在

通过将抗议置于其中心来重新定义民主,

我称之为“抗议民主”。

国际组织
和学术专家

将民主定义为定期的
多党选举竞争。

但民主不应该
只是精英们在投票箱上的竞争。

为了让它有意义,

这是我们
每天都必须参与的事情。

当我说“抗议民主”时,

我是在挑战我们
对民主行动的看法。

将民主仅仅视为选举
是不够的,

并威胁到民主本身。

所以我们必须抗议民主
以赋予它新的意义。

这会是什么样子?

我们需要转向非洲社会,

那里的
普通人越来越多地走上

街头改变他们的生活。

非洲社会
运动经常处于

以这种方式将民主概念化的最前沿。

对于那些

认为非洲人参与政治的唯一方式

是枪杆子的人来说,这可能会让他们感到惊讶。

但越来越多的
年轻人走上街头

,放弃有组织的暴力

,转而采取更有效的
非暴力行动。

在过去的二十年中,我大部分时间都
在与非洲活动家交谈,

包括暴力和非暴力活动。

在整个非洲,年轻人正在

奋起挑战
人类已知的几乎所有类型的政权。

这是我的朋友蒂亚特。

他是来自塞内加尔的说唱歌手。

他在塞内加尔领导了一场大型运动

,成功地阻止
了总统窃取第三个任期。

从摩洛哥到莱索托,

年轻人正在起义
反对根深蒂固的君主制:

在埃及和苏丹,

反对残暴的独裁;

在乌干达和埃塞俄比亚,

反对

带有准民主外衣的强大军事化国家;


拍摄这张照片的南非

和布隆迪,他们

反对民选领导人

,他们对改善普通民众的条件几乎没有做任何事情

在整个非洲大陆,
抗议并非例外,

而是生活的正常部分。

非洲人利用抗议
来挑战

独裁者和停电。

在某种程度上,非洲人正在抗议
民主本身,

为我们所有人增加了它的可能性。 非洲抗议浪潮

已经有过两次
大浪潮

,我们目前正
经历着

从 2005 年左右开始的第三次浪潮。

它包括所谓的阿拉伯之春,

主要发生在非洲大陆。

第一次浪潮发生
在 1940 年代和 1950 年代

,导致了非洲的非殖民化。

Kwame Nkrumah
在加纳领导了一个

推翻英国统治的广泛联盟,

为全球非暴力运动提供了模板。

第二波浪潮发生
在 1980 年代和 1990 年代,

反对对非洲经济
施加苛刻条件的紧缩措施

这些抗议导致
专制政权被推翻,

并导致在整个非洲大陆

引入多党选举

正在进行的第三波正在纠正
前两次的缺点。

如果说第一波带来了
解放但没有民主

,第二波带来了选举
但只针对精英,

那么

第三波最关心的就是
将民主

转变为民治。

它包括
像塞内加尔的 Y’en a Marre、布基纳法索的

Le Balai Citoyen、

津巴布韦的 Tajamuka

、刚果民主共和国的 LUCHA 和 Filimbi 等

运动,这些运动在更
传统的非政府组织

和政党之外开展,

以挑战经济
和 政治制度本身,

往往面临巨大风险。

像 LUCHA 的 Fred Bauma 这样才华横溢的年轻活动家

被拘留和折磨,

通常几乎没有
国际社会的强烈抗议。 从我们收集的一些数据

中可以看出,这个列表还在继续

自 2005 年以来,40 多个非洲国家发生了大规模的民众抗议活动

,如果你仔细观察,
你会发现,在 2011

年,即所谓的阿拉伯之春之年,

实际上
是这一更广泛浪潮的高峰期。

与普遍的看法相反,

其中许多抗议活动
取得了成功。

我们知道
突尼斯和埃及的独裁者倒台,

但民众运动阻止

了塞内加尔、马拉维
和布基纳法索的总统窃取第三个任期。

是什么推动了这种抗议的高涨?

从人口统计来看,
非洲是最年轻

、发展最快的大陆,

人民与统治者之间的年龄差距最大。

它正在以惊人的速度进行城市化。

在经济上,非洲国家
已经发展了十多年,

主要是受到亚洲投资的推动。

但这些财富
很少流淌。

工业部门的正式工作
实际上正在减少

,非正式劳动力是
人们维持生计的唯一选择。

结果,不平等加剧

,政治
领导人与

年轻得多的民众越来越脱节。

对于我们这些来自非洲以外的人来说,

我们熟悉这个故事的部分内容

:不平等

的急剧增加

,是曾经被
认为是先进社会标志的好工作减少的产物;

精英占领我们的
政党,

同时掏空

曾经
为普通民众提供发言权的公民社会;

那种下沉的感觉
,无论你做什么,

与全球经济相关的外部因素

都会使我们的生活变得更糟。

我们的政治领导人似乎无助,

坚持紧缩,

即使公共产品减少
到数十年来未见的水平。

这是他们不会
屈服于排他性民族主义的时候,

将我们的困境归咎于弱者
而不是强者。 自 1970 年代以来

,我们这些来自北美
和西欧的人认为新事物

一直
是非洲生活的常态。

那么,谁

比那些
长期抵抗这些条件

的人更值得学习呢?

我们可以
从非洲抗议民主中学到什么?

首先,民主必须
从普通人开始。

将民主视为唯一的
选举导致了普遍的幻灭。

相反,我们必须努力让
普通人以民主生活为中心。

抗议为我们提供了一种方法来做到这一点。

无论您的年龄、
性取向、性别,

无论您是公民还是非公民,
身体健全或残疾,

任何人都可以参与。

与选举相比,

抗议活动
不受严格的选举周期的限制。 在我们这个即时反馈的时代,

它们提供了一种更
直接的行动形式

其次,虽然抗议活动可能很混乱,

但这正是它们强大的原因。

抗议是有争议
和有争议的过程,

由偶然行动定义,

通常缺乏明确的信息,

其特点是组织不完整。

这些动态使人们很容易
将抗议视为骚乱

或假设它们
的政治效用有限。

但这也让他们更容易被压制。

很多时候,政府并不认为
抗议是民主的基础。

相反,他们暴力镇压
社会运动

或努力抹黑他们的信息。

第三,正如我已经暗示的那样,

抗议是
新的政治想象可能出现的空间。

抗议是关于
在界线外着色,

这是
普通人重写游戏规则的一种方式

,太多人认为
这些规则对他们不利。

非洲的许多年轻人

在一个单一
统治者统治他们一生的社会中长大。

随着年轻人
开始发现自己的力量,抗议是出现新可能性的空间。

想想我的朋友琳达·马萨里拉(Linda Masarira)的处境

,她是五个孩子的单身母亲,


在津巴布韦领导反对穆加贝政权的抗议活动。

她遭到殴打、逮捕、骚扰。

但琳达坚持了下来,因为
正如她几个月前告诉我的那样,

抗议给了她一种
意义和方向感。

尽管她知道自己的胜算,

琳达还是坚持了下来。

像琳达和其他
年轻的非洲活动家一样,

我们都必须努力将民主重新定义

为不仅仅是
选举和政党。

民主是一个创造性的过程,

而抗议一直是

扩展我们政治想象力的工具,
超出了我们被告知的可能性。

(斯瓦希里语)非常感谢。

(掌声)